enlisted the President's sympathies, and almost from the com, mencement of hostilities measures for their relief formed in his mind part of the plan of operations by the army under General Buell. Writing, January 6, 1862, to that commander he gives reasons for suggesting the occupation of some point there rather than Nashville, and adds: "But my distress is that our friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, and even now, I fear, are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of personal protection. In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in the South." The cause of these outrages may be briefly explained in a digression.

1

In no part of the late Confederate States was the slave interest more feeble than in the thirty counties comprising East Tennessee.2 That portion of the State contained in 1860 slightly over 300,000 inhabitants,3 of whom only about one tenth were slaves, while in many counties they formed no more than one in seventeen of the population. Here and there, indeed, were persons of wealth some of whom owned a few negroes. But though a majority of the people looked upon domestic slavery as something foreign to their social life, they had no strong philanthropic impulse to oppose it. While quite willing to allow their countrymen elsewhere to keep bondmen at pleasure, they did not regard it any concern of theirs to assist either in extending or perpetuating human servitude. If the existence of the Union or of slavery was the issue, they would have hesitated little in deciding which should perish. Though, as we shall presently see, they were as intolerant of the Republican party as any community in the South, they were devotedly attached to the Union. The

'Letters and State Papers of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. II, p. 112. The edition of Nicolay and Hay is used throughout.

'The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee, p. 24. 'More correctly, 301,056. Ibid.

fact is partly explained by the industrial basis of society in this favored region.

Cut off from Middle Tennessee by lofty ranges of the Cumberland, and from North Carolina by the Great Smoky, the Black and the Stone mountains, this extensive district is traversed in its entire length by the Tennessee and its chief tributaries, the Clinch and the Holston; as the great river flows down to Alabama it receives, before turning west and north to join the Ohio, the waters of many important and beautiful streams, some of which, as the French Broad and Nolachucky, are associated with deeds of note in the War for Independence; indeed, one of its crowning victories was chiefly won by settlers from the banks of the Watauga. Other names, like Hiwassee, are familiar to readers of later events in Tennessee history, and Chickamauga Creek was destined shortly to become more famous than any.

Knoxville, in early times a capital of the State, was, in 1860, the metropolis of East Tennessee; Chattanooga, at the southern extremity of the valley, is separated from Bristol, on the Virginia line, by a distance of more than two hundred and forty miles; Cleveland and Greenville were towns of less importance. The absence of large cities makes it evident that manufacturing had not yet begun to attract serious attention. Like early settlers everywhere in America, the pioneers of Tennessee sought the most immediate returns from the products of the forests and fields around them. The rich mineral deposits, then either unknown or almost untouched, had not given rise to those great extractive operations which in our time have so stimulated the commercial life of East Tennessee. Vast cotton plantations, worked by multitudes of slaves, like those in the western portion of the State, had no existence in these mountain valleys, though occasionally small "patches" were cultivated for domestic use.

Citizens of West Tennessee would naturally place upon the Federal Constitution an interested construction; their indus

tries, they believed, required such an interpretation of that instrument as would place the institution of slavery beyond the reach of Congressional interference. While the people of East Tennessee, too, believed in the several sovereignty of the States, the question of slavery did not touch them so nearly. Indifferent to the subject themselves, they had little sympathy with those who had determined to break up the Union from a mere suspicion that their interests were menaced by the success of a new political party. But to ascribe to the want of interested motives their indifference to the great disturbing question of the time would be to assign but one and that, perhaps, not the chief cause.

Except on its northern and southern boundaries this delightful region is practically isolated from several adjacent States as well as from the remainder of Tennessee. It was in this by-place of nature and amidst such a population that The Manumission Intelligencer, a weekly newspaper, made its appearance in 1819.1 It was followed the next year by The Emancipator of Elijah Embree, a Pennsylvania Quaker; this in turn was soon succeeded by a more celebrated publication, The Genius of Universal Emancipation, conducted by Benjamin Lundy. While these publications served to perpetuate and to extend, they did not create the sentiment of which they became exponents, for, several years before their appearance, an anti-slavery society flourished in Jefferson County. existence is noticed as early as 1814-2 This anti-slavery feeling was part of the philosophic movement encouraged by nearly all Southern as well as Northern statesmen before the inauguration of General Jackson. A new industrial era, beginning about that time, put an end to the abolition societies in the South; and though Lundy's paper was discontinued in Tennessee after 1824, events of frequent occurrence sustained the anti-slavery sentiments of the people.

1The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee, p. 32.

Its

The Tennessee valley was a natural thoroughfare from Virginia to the south-west, and when slaves were purchased on the Potomac they were chained together, to prevent escape, and in that condition driven to the homes of their new masters.1 The plaintive songs of captives as they were marched in lines along the valley highways often caused the free mountaineer to pause in his labors and reflect on what was passing before his eyes. He "saw slavery in its bitterness and without disguise." The remembrance of such spectacles was apt to strengthen in him anti-slavery feelings that had come down from Revolutionary times. But whether Southern leaders ascribed the sentiment to an inherited tendency or regarded it as a consequence of this odious phase of the domestic slave-trade, they did not think it beneath the dignity of attention; for it was, doubtless, to create a sympathy for their institution that a "Southern Commercial Convention" was held at Knoxville in 1857. It was too late, however, to root out the convictions of two generations; the counsels of the wise were soon to be confounded and the

'Thirty years before President Lincoln published his Emancipation Proclamation Great Britain abolished slavery throughout her colonies. Naturally this action was viewed in no friendly spirit by the slave interest in America, for it brought the free negro to the very door of the Southern States, and though it was regarded as a menace to the "peculiar institution," it was not until a positive loss was sustained that any controversy arose with England. In October, 1841, the brig Creole, of Richmond, with a cargo of 135 slaves left Hampton Roads for New Orleans. The negroes, under Madison Washington, killed one of the owners, took possession of the vessel and steered her into the port of Nassau. There those slaves not expressly charged with murder were set at liberty, and though the administration demanded their surrender they were not given up. The experience of the Creole was not singular, several cases of a similar nature being recorded. These facts showed the danger of navigating the Bahama channel after 1833, and at least one reason for preferring the overland route down the Tennessee valley was an expectation of avoiding such accidents.—(See Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, Vol. I. pp. 443-444; Lalor's Cyclopedia of Political Science, etc., Vol. I. pp. 709-710.)

fretful agitation of leaders soon to be hushed in the tempest of war.

No Republican electoral ticket was presented in the great political battle of 1860 for the suffrage of Tennessee voters, and had any citizen openly advocated the election of Mr. Lincoln he would have had to endure insult or injury, or to abandon his home. This explains why the successful candidates received no vote in all the State. As "Parson" Brownlow, selecting extreme abolition and secession types, characteristically expressed it, his people were equally opposed to the William L. Garrisons and the William L. Yanceys of politics.1 In this situation the supporters of Bell, Breckfnridge and Douglas were left to contend for victory among themselves. Addresses of the time reveal not only the emotions of individual speakers, but the excited state of public opinion. The attitude of Constitutional Union men was vigorously stated in a debate at Knoxville by Nathaniel G. Taylor, an elector on the Bell and Everett ticket. "The people of East Tennessee," said the orator, "are determined to maintain the Union by force of arms against any movement from the South throughout their region of country to assail the government at Washington with violence, and that the secessionists of the cotton States in attempting to carry out their nefarious design to destroy the Republic would have to march over his dead body and the dead bodies of thousands of East Tennessee mountaineers slain in battle." 2

When Yancey came up from Alabama to "precipitate" this section into rebellion the intrepid Brownlow made a similar reply. The energy or the elegance of such utterances may be questioned, but the deeds of loyal Tennesseeans during

'Brownlow's Book, p. 52.

'The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee, pp. 80-81. 'Brownlow's Book, p. 67.