manity. But how to reconcile the dictates of humanity with the requirements of a safe policy-how to protect the subjects of Turkey, and at the same time resist the encroachments of Russia-was a problem difficult for diplomacy to solve. (Holland, The European Concert in the Eastern Question, ch. 2, "Greece"; W. A. Phillips, The Confederation of Europe, VII, iii, “The Eastern Question"; Fyffe, Modern Europe, ch. 15; "Greece and Eastern Affairs.")

§ 4. THE EUROPEAN CONCERT AND THE GREEK REVO

LUTION

The first decisive effort of the European powers during the nineteenth century to solve the Eastern question was prompted by the spirit of humanity. It was made in behalf of the Greeks who in 1821 began their struggle for independence. Goaded by the cruelty and oppression of the Turkish government, and inspired by the awakened sense of nationality, this people of classic memories appealed to the sympathies of the world. Byron regarded the Greek war as a "contest between barbarism and civilization, between Christianity and Islamism, a struggle in behalf of the descendants of those to whom we are indebted for the first principles of science and the most perfect models of literature and art." For such a cause the English poet, who had become a Grecian patriot, expressed the hope "that all political parties in every European state would unite their efforts.” Greek unions sprang up in Germany, France, Italy and Switzerland. In England a loan of 800,000 pounds sterling was raised to aid the Greek cause.

The pressure of European sympathy was not long

in affecting European diplomacy. Russia, whose peculiar position in the East had always enabled her to assume the part of protector of the Christian subjects of Turkey, was the first to attempt to solve the difficulty between the Greeks and the Sultan. But this solution was accepted by neither party; and the Greeks appealed to England for help. From this time began a series of negotiations which seriously affected the stability of the European Concert. England, while protesting against the policy of intervention as interpreted by Metternich, was willing to interfere in behalf of the suffering Greeks and in the cause of humanity; and France was similarly inclined. In 1821 England conciliated Russia to a new plan of intervention, in which agreement the desire was expressed of putting an end to the contest of which Greece and the archipelago was the theater, by an arrangement which "shall be consistent with the principles of religion, justice and humanity." This initial arrangement involved two essential provisions: (1) That the Greeks should pay an annual tribute to the Porte, the amount to be fixed by common consent; and (2) that the Greeks should enjoy complete liberty of conscience, entire freedom of commerce, and should exclusively conduct their own internal government." Upon invitation, France became a party to this arrangement, and at her suggestion these provisions were put into the form of a definite treaty at London in 1827.

The united action of England, France and Russia in behalf of the Greek people was thus an attempt to meet the Eastern situation by a concerted policy of intervention, without reference to the policy that had hitherto been pursued by the "Holy Alliance." It was to carry out the terms of the treaty of 1827

that these Powers now assumed collective authority to deal with international affairs. The determined opposition of Turkey to the terms of this treaty led to an armed interference of the Allied powers for the liberation of the Greeks. This resulted in the destruction of the Turkish fleet at Navarino, and finally in the submission of the Sultan and the conclusion of the treaty of Adrianople in 1829. At a conference of the contracting powers held at London in 1830 it was determined to go still further in the emancipation of Greece, and it was agreed: (1) That Greece should be wholly independent of Turkish control; and (2) that it should be governed by a prince chosen from some family outside of the signatory powers. Accordingly, in 1832 Otto, the second son of the king of Bavaria, became the first king of the new Grecian state, and the guaranteeing Powers continued to supervise the interests of the new kingdom and to maintain its integrity.

The policy of intervention had thus become diverted entirely from the previous purpose of suppressing the popular uprisings-in Naples, Piedmont and Spain, -to the new purpose of granting liberty to the oppressed people of Greece. This change of policy regarding the purpose of intervention was reflected in the change of active co-operation on the part of the members of the so-called "European Concert." The active members of the previous alliance had been Russia, Austria and Prussia; while the active parties of the new alliance were Russia, England and France. In the former case, the concerted powers had intervened, in their own interests, for the crushing of all efforts toward political freedom; while in the latter case, they had intervened for the enfranchisement of

a people struggling for liberty. In the one case, the intervention was based on policy; in the other, on humanity.

§ 5. THE RESISTANCE TO THE ENCROACHMENTS OF RUSSIA

The new turn that was given to European diplomacy after the humane enfranchisement of Greece was directly due to the new and suspicious policy that Russia assumed with reference to the Turkish government. That the Tsar had his eyes still fixed upon the goal that Peter the Great and Catherine had set before them seemed apparent, when after the Greek revolution he almost immediately espoused the cause of the Sultan with as much zeal as he had just shown in the cause of the oppressed Greeks. It was not now as an open enemy but as a generous friend that the Tsar sought to extend his influence over the affairs of Turkey. An opportunity to test the reality of this policy was soon presented. In 1832 Constantinople was threatened by the victorious armies of Mehemet Ali, the rebellious pasha of Egypt. It was at this critical moment that the Tsar offered to the frightened Sultan his friendly aid, and sent his fleet to the Bosphorus and his armies to cover the threatened capital. By the willing acceptance of his proffered aid, Constantinople seemed almost within his grasp; and what Peter and Catherine believed could be accomplished only by means of war, seemed about to be effected by an act of disinterested friendship.

But England and France saw in this act of professed friendship the deeply-laid plot of Russian ambition. They accordingly interfered and, by pacifying

the Egyptian revolt instigated by Mehemet Ali, rendered the proffered aid of the Tsar unnecessary. But no sooner had France and England withdrawn from the field than Russia resumed her influence over the Sultan, and obtained from him a definite treaty of friendship, which made still more evident her real designs. By this treaty (Unkiar-Skelessi, 1833) Russia and Turkey entered into a defensive alliance, promising to aid each other in every event when the security of either was endangered, and also stipulating that the Dardanelles should be closed to the warships of every foreign power.

The significance of this treaty was quite apparent. By thus making an ally of Turkey, and closing the Straits to foreign warships, Russia converted the entrance to the Black Sea into a secure defense, from which she could send her ships of war into the Mediterranean while her own ports and arsenals remained secure from attack. The specific clause of the treaty relating to the Dardanelles affected every power that possessed a naval station on the Mediterranean. This was sufficient to confirm all the previous suspicions of France and England; and it is no doubt true that "to this time rather than to any earlier period belongs the first growth of that strong national antagonism to Russia which found its satisfaction later in the Crimean war."

This growing prejudice against Russia tended more than anything else to revive the collective authority of the European Concert. To prevent the Sultan from again submitting to the adroit schemes of Russiaduring the second Egyptian revolt of Mehemet Ali in 1839-England, Austria and Prussia declared that they would henceforth assume control of this new