taken away and erected into independent or autonomous states. Bosnia and Herzegovina were transferred to the administration of Austria. Roumania and Servia and Montenegro were made free and independent, Bulgaria was erected into an autonomous principality, Eastern Roumelia was guaranteed administrative autonomy under a Christian governor, and liberal provisions were made with reference to Crete and Armenia.

It is not for us to inquire how far the great Powers have been delinquent in their attempt to maintain the peace of Europe. It is, perhaps, enough to say that, in the light of all that has occurred, it is evident that the only sufficient guarantee against oppression is independence, and that Europe has solved the Eastern Question to the extent and only to the extent that it has enfranchised the Christian people of Turkey. The Treaty of Berlin is an evidence of the fact that the best policy must be humane as well as adroit, that the deepest sentiments of justice cannot be crushed by a technical adherence to legality, that the rules of international law must respond to the enlightened conscience of mankind. In doing what it was gradually compelled to do, the Concert of Powers committed itself to the general cause of human freedom, as against the claims of despotic government. It gave its sanction to the principle that the cause of humanity is a just and sufficient ground for interfering in the internal government of a state, even though that state has been recognized as having the legal rights of independence and sovereignty-that legal sovereignty affords no protection to moral obliquity.

In spite of the many humane features of the Treaty of San Stefano, which excited the jealousy of the Euro

pean powers and resulted in the modified Treaty of Berlin, the history of the Concert of Europe, based either on the "balance of power" or the general “policy of intervention," has proved its inadequacy to keep pace with the changing conditions of the world. Scarcely was the Congress of Berlin dissolved than it was succeeded by a new alignment of nations, consisting of the "Triple Alliance" and the "Triple Entente," which, embittered by growing animosities, resulted in the horrors of the Great War. Whether the latest attempt to effect a world concert and a world peace, based upon the "League of Nations," will be successful it is impossible to say; but the experience of the past may afford some lessons as to the difficulties to be met and the dangers to be avoided.

"PEACE is in the heart of all civilized men." Such were the words which, some years ago, greeted the delegates at the openeing of the International Peace Conference. We have no account of how these words were received; but, being a body of men devoted to the cause of peace, they were doubtless enthusiastically approved. While it may be true that all civilized men have ever been hopeful of peace; it seems quite as true that they have always been apprehensive of war. Men may cry, "Peace, Peace," when there is no peace. It must be confessed that war has been a prominent factor in the world's history; and that it has required far more wisdom and skill to prevent the conflict of nations, than to promote such conflicts. Certainly, the most valued victories of the human mind have been in the domain of peace, and not in that of war.

It may, perhaps, seem an idle pretense to presume that anything new can be said upon a question that has so severely taxed the thought of philanthropists and statesmen as that relating to the possibility of a permanent peace. It may not, however, be wholly unprofitable for us to survey the different points of view from which this question has been and may be considered. Such a comparison of views may help

us to see the relative value of the various methods of approach to this world problem.

SI. ETHICAL APPEALS TO THE PACIFIC SENTIMENTS The first and perhaps most usual mode of approaching this problem is based upon sentimental appeals to the finer instincts of human nature. The efficiency of this method is supposed to be in direct ratio to the vividness with which the horrors of war can be portrayed. Pacific homilies, inspired with the exalted spirit of the golden rule, are pronounced in unqualified condemnation of military establishments and all those physical agencies which nations are accustomed to adopt for the protection of what they regard as their moral and legal rights. "We know," recently wrote the President of the Universal Peace Union, "we know the horrors, the bankruptcy, the cruelty, the wickedness, the inexpediency of war and the military system, and we know the blessings of peace." And this writer proceeds with more or less reason, to impeach the nations of the earth for "upholding military academies, organizing their men into armies, spending their substance in fortifications and battle-ships, coveting their neighbor's territory, sailing over seas and laying claim to lands far beyond their homes, and cowering with military power the weak, the defenceless and less favored."

War seems to be regarded by this class of writers. as merely the outcome of the more brutal passions of men, the assuaging of which will lead to the pacific result desired. The remedy for war and the conditions of universal peace proposed by such advocates are chiefly ethical and educational-"self-control, peace within ourselves, less of selfishness, the doing

to others as we would be done by, no whipping of children, no warlike playthings, no war stories, no military drills, no boys' brigades, a love superior to any man's hate, respect for human life upon the scaffold as well as upon the battle field, the stopping of appropriations for battle ships and fortifications. Emperors and kings and others in power will realize in time that all these things make for the prosperity and happiness of the people, for the people then will be employed in following after those things which make for peace."

These statements may be regarded as typical of a considerable body of peace literature, which seems to proceed upon the theory that war can be abolished by a process of earnest exhortation. It must be admitted that the motives which prompt this kind of literature are pure and lofty; and do not always merit the ridicule which they sometimes receive at the hands of worldly-minded publicists. It is true that sentiments often determine the course of conduct; and a strong pacific impulse on the part of the people has often, no doubt, acted as a restraint upon an aggressive policy on the part of the government. Moral exhortations are by no means to be discouraged; but it must still be a question, how far in our present international system, they can furnish any sufficient guarantee for the protection of the sovereign rights of states, or any redress for injuries actually received or threatened.

The efficiency of such appeals to the pacific sentiments will, however, be seen to be greatly overestimated, when we consider the existence of other sentiments as deeply seated in human nature and quite as powerful in the determination of opinion and con