The fundamental defect therefore of the whole arrangement, the origin of all those absurdities and contrarieties into which its favourers have been driven in attempting to cure radical evil by partial emendations, consists in the want of an efficient control. This defect is wholly incurable; for so loosely cemented are all its constituent parts, that the slightest pressure of authority would break into pieces the whole fabric. A variety of particles are brought together, but a powerful predominating principle is wanting to counteract their tendency to mutual repulsion. Without any distinct knowledge of the materials which they possessed, the framers and contrivers of the volunteer system have jumbled them together into a heterogeneous mixture, and left it without any compunction to the troubled operation of the hostile ingredients which it contained. The whole contrivance being founded on an intimate union of civil right with military duties, involves a radical contradiction; it proposes to blend together principles destined by the constitution of the political system to exist in eternal enmity, and to alter the form into which society has been cast by the fixed operation of moral laws. It is impossible therefore that the volunteers can ever attain to any proficiency in the most important requisites of discipline. The ministry have indeed declared them to be in a state of progressive improvement and of unabated vigour, but it is impossible for the blindest enthusiast to give credit to this assertion, when he contemplates the glaring relaxation, and indeed the almost complete abandonment of military duties which has already taken place. Have the volunteers improved in habits of obedience to command, in respect or deference to their officers, in a punctual attendance at drill? Have their exertions to perfect themselves in discipline been invigorated by emulation, or by any other strong principle of action? These are the grounds on which their merits ought to be estimated, and while on every one of these, facts speak so strongly against them, all general commendations on their proficiency are nugator and useless. Their outward appearance may be ameliorated; they may have attained to some degree of expertness in those trifles which are connected with shew and parade; but in all the substantial qualities of an efficient military force they are deplorably deficient. Their attention is directed merely to the unimportant minutiae of discipline, while all that is

material in the constitution of our army is neglected; like hypocrites in religion, scru pulously particular in the observance of external forms, but destitute of faith to ani mate them to good works. To arrange in battalions troops of this description, which are but superficially assimilated to soldiers, and to place them in a line of battle where they may be exposed to the impetuous and well supported charge of a force hardened by service and perfected by discipline, appears to me to be a rash and hazardous project totally repugnant to those cautious maxims of policy by which plans of exten, sive national utility are gradually matured, The imprudence and rashness of this perilous innovation, and indeed the folly of the whole system has been exposed with great force of argument, and with a variety of pointed illustrations, both by yourself and Mr. Fox, to whose speeches I could wish every one to refer, not only as they bear forcibly upon the present question, but as they throw a steady light on the general principles of military discipline. Your opinions and doctrines I have only endeavoured in this letter. to arrange, illustrate, and amplify.

The third part of my subject shall be very shortly discussed. It is evident that if the original separation of the soldiers by means of military distinctions, was founded on just principles, the good effects of that policy must be counteracted by the indiscriminate prodigality with which the peculiar ornaments of a soldier have been lavished away, and by the mass of spurious rank to which the volunteer system has given birth. All the artificial distinctions in society de. vive their value entirely from their rarity; they possess no native or intrinsic excellence, by which they can be secured from debasement, and in proportion as they are rendered common, they cease to be the objects of ambition. It is justly observed by the author of the Rambler that " fame, power, "and riches are only the names of relative "conditions, which imply the obscurity, "dependance, and poverty of greater num"bers." It would be impossible in every case to fix upon the predominating motive which impelled the individual to enlist. The most general inducement appears to be a love of honour, distinction and shew, combined with the unsteady propensities of youth. The ostentation of a military dress, and all the pomp and parade connected with the business of war, undoubtedly tends to awaken the enthusiasm of the mind, and by rendering a soldier an object of peculiar interest, to create a love for his character and profession, great part of the effect must

evidently arise from the novelty and uncommonness of the spectacle; a distinction when it is rendered common loses its nature and character. In this respect the volunteer system, has completely depreciated the value of all those honorary badges, which in former times exclusively characterised the mili tary profession. They are now displayed in rich profusion by clowns, mechanics, and citizens, who are every where to be seen glittering in the splendor of martial array, that as a ground of distinction they are perfectly useless, and their former effect of course almost totally done away. Those therefore who have established the volunteer system, have virtually stripped the military profession of all those external graces by which the heart is gained, and the passions are kindled, and now they exhibit the mar1owless skeleton, in all its naked deformity to captivate affection, and to conciliate love. All those inducements, therefore which arose from the influence of ornamental and honorary distinctions, being withdrawn, the tendency to enter into the regular army must rather be checked than encouraged. It has been sometimes urged that a taste for warlike occupations may be created among the volunteers and that men may be thus induced to enlist. But motives of that sort can only exist where a force is permanently kept up, not where men are drilled occasionally and are consequently conversant only in the duties, not in the pleasures of a mili tary life. But why resort to any circuitous measure for increasing the regular force, Let all impediments be removed which arise from the jarring operation of contradictory contrivances, and the ordinary mode of recruiting will ensure a perennial supply of men to the army. The ministers however appear to be smitten with a malignant inclination to introduce into all their schemes of internal policy, a useless degree of intricacy, to multiply wheels within wheels till they are lost in the chaos of their own folly. This strange complexity in the theoretical construction of their plans, recalls to mind the qualifications of a well known hero, who

"Could wisely tell what hour o'the day "The clock does strike`by algebra.” Without a radical change in the whole system of our internal policy, Britain never can regain her former importance among the nations of Europe. She has been brought into her present state of degradation, partly by a dishonourable and hollow truce, and partly by a succession of weak and contradictory measures, which have grushed her energies and enfeebled her

power. Her ministers seem to have considered the attainment of a precarious security, as the utmost boundary of their humble ambition, and the force which they have provided accords perfectly in its nature and constitution with their grovelling views Struck with a most irrational panic by the threat of invasion, all their faculties seem to have deserted them; they adopted a succession of measures so contradictory, that it was very naturally imagined that they were debarred by the fear of a malediction from looking behind them. So far from exhibiting in any of their contrivances the faintest indications of a disposing mind, all their movements appeared to proceed from a mere blind animal instinct of self-preservation. Absorbed in the contemplation of a hostile invasion their whole system was pointed exclusively to this solitary possibility, and for a bare and inglorious safety, a safety liable to be disturbed by perpetual alarms, they have sacrificed the resources of their country; they have crippled almost her whole force by the inherent disability of its constitution, and have thus incapacitated her from achieving a solid and honourable security by bold and decisive operations of active hostility has 2

I am, Sir, yours, &c. &c, Edinburgh, Jan. 26th, 1805." B.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. JAMAICA COMPLAINTS.-Resolution of the Governor and Council of the Colony of Jamaisa, dated and issued on the 21st of November, 1804.

Whereas, by a resolution of Council, bearing date the 17th day of July, 1800, his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor was advised to recommend to the several Officers of his Majesty's Customs, at the several ports of this island, to permit the free importation of sheep, hogs, poultry, small live stock of all kinds, and all sorts of fruit, salted and all other provisions, and lumber of every de scription, as well in British as in all other vessels belonging to neutral and other states in amity with Great-Britain, from the day of the date thereof until the 31st day of December next ensuing, and until six months notice should be given to the contrary, upon the like terms, charges, and conditions, and subject to the same rules, regulations, visitations, and searches as are observed with respect to vessels importing provisions to this island: And whereas permission was also granted to all neutral vessels importing the above articles, under the authority of the above resolution, to export rum and molasses from any port or ports, place or places, af

of

this island, upon the like terms, stipulations, charges, and conditions, as are observed with respect to the British vessels in the like cases.--RESOLVED. That his Honour be advised to signify to the principal Officers of his Majesty's Customs, at the several ports of this island, that from and after the expiration of six months, to be computed from the present date, the said resolution of Council of the 17th of July, 1800, is to be no longer considered in force.

M. ATKINSON, Cl. Conc. JAMAICA COMPLAINTS. To his Honour Lieutenant-General George Nugent, Lieute nant Governor and Commander in Chief of this his Majesty's Island of Jamaica, and the Territories thereon depending in America, Chancellor and Vice admiral of the same, dated 8th Dec. 1804.

THE HUMBLE ADDRESS OF THE ASSEMBLY.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HONOUR,—We his Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the the Assembly of Jamaica, beg leave to state, to your Honour that we have seen, with the deepest concèro, the Resolution of Council of the 21st November last, announcing a termination of the intercourse betwixt this island and America, in six months from that date. The fatal consequences which must result from such a measure, impel us to represent to your Honour the alarm and dreadful apprehensions it has generally excited; for the fact is notorious, that without a continuance of this intercourse, our plantations cannot be supplied with the articles of lumber indispensably requisite to convey the various produce of the island to the mothercountry that the very sustenance necessary for our own existence and that of our slaves, or even the subsistence of his Majesty's forces by sea and land on this station, cannot be obtained by any other means, especially during the time of war, but by a permission for an intercourse with the United States of America, and which if once interrupted, in the moment of famine and distress, cannot be restored.Penetrated with the most lively feelings on this alarming occasion, and having the fullest conviction of the fatal consequnces inseparable from this resolution, should it not be reyoked, we, the Representatives of this valuable island, do most anxiously submit to your Honour's just consideration our earnest solicitude that your Honour would be pleased to direct a reconsideration of this order in Council, and recal the publication of such resolution, until an opportunity is afforded to the Assembly of representing to his most gracious Majesty the certain and immediate destruction that will impend over our lives

and properties, whenever the regulation which we now deprecate shall be adopted. JAMAICA COMPLAINTS.-Answer of Go

vernor Nugent to the Assembly.

MR. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE ASSEMBLY,The subject of your Address has had the mature consideration which its importance required. Having received instructions from his Majesty's Ministers relative to the intercourse between this island aud the American States, and having laid the same before the Privy Council, the Resolution of the 21st ult, was published by the advice of that Board, as a necessary consequence of the imperative orders transmitted to me from England; It is with extreme concern therefore that I feel myself obliged to deny the earnest request of so very respectable a body as the Representatives of this valuable Colony; but as the six months notice of the termination of the intercourse have given me an opportunity of communicating your wishes to the Secretary of State, I shall not fail to avail myself of it, and that period will also afford you sufficient time to make your representations to his Majesty, in the manner you think most conducive to the interests of Jamaica.

JAMAICA COMPLAINTS.

Petition of the Assembly of Jamaica to his Majesty, agreed to on the 12th Dec. 1804.

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, -We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Assembly of Jamaica, beg leave to approach your Throne with our assurances of that profound respect and veneration, which your Majesty's many eminent virtues have impressed on the minds of all your faithful subjects.-Conscious that it has been the delight of your Majesty, and of the Princes of your Illustrious House, to protect the rights, to advance the interests, and promote the prosperity, of every part of your extensive Empire, with perfect confidence in your Majesty's paternal care we bring before you the grievances, which at present oppress and threaten to ruin the loyal inhabitants of this valuable colony before they are known to the best of Sovereigns. - Encouraged by the proclamations and charters of your Majesty's predecessors, our ancesters emigrated to this island, and, under the sanction of positive laws, enacted when civil and political liberty was well understood, established a trade with Africa for procuring labourers. Py means of this intercourse plantations were opened, and have been extended and culti vated with well-known advantages to your Majesty's Empire. But those speculative men who have propagated fanatical and chi

documents I beg leave to recommend to the attention of the reader.—The first is a resolution of the governor and council, notifying, that after the end of six months, reckoning from the 21st of November last, the importation of provisions and lumber hitherto permitted in neutral vessels, shall no longer be permitted; and that, the exportation of rum and molasses, hitherto permitted, under certain restrictions, in the same vessels, shall no longer be permitted.

-

-Whereupon the assembly, in an address dated on the 8th of December, represent to the governor the deep concern which this resolution has excited, and the fatal consequences, which, if persevered in, it must produce. They say, that it is notorious, that, without a continuance of their intercourse with the United States of America, their plantations cannot be supplied with the articles indispensably necessary to the cultivation of their land and the conveying of its productions to the mother country. They, therefore, beseech the governor either to revoke the resolution, or to recal the publication of it, until an opportunity is afforded the assembly of making a representation to their sovereign.

In answer to this address, the governor expresses his extreme concern, that the imperative orders he has received from the ministers of England compel him to refuse the request of the assembly. But, he observes to them, that the six months notice of the termination of the intercourse will af

ther-country and the colony of Jamaica, which breach consists, in the imposing, by the ministers at home, enormous duties upon the produce of Jamaica, and in the encouragement of the production of sugar in the settlements of the East India Company, and that, too, for the avowed purpose of discouraging the West India production of that article. The observations, to be made upon these complaints, naturally divide themselves under four distinct heads; namely; the intercourse with the United States of America; the slave trade; the oppressive duties; and the preference given to the produce of the East India Company. --The first is, in every

sense of the word, the most important subject; for, it is to be hoped, that the legislature here will not hastily adopt the notions which the Assembly dread, relative to the slave trade; the oppressive duties may be lightened; and the East ludia sugar project may be abandoned, or may soon fail, from more than one cause. But with regard to the intercourse with America there is not a moment to be lost. Three months of the six will shortly have expired: already merchants and planters must have made preparations for regulating their conduct upon the resolution of the Governor and Council: already the colony must have begun to feel its effects; and, unless it be revoked, without loss of time, consequences the most serious must ensue, consequences resulting in a state of things that may, without exaggeration, be described as the total ruin of the co

es to the ministers, and will afford them time to make their representations to the king, in the manner, that they may think most conducive to their interests.The petition of the Assembly to his Majesty, which is the last of the documents here laid before the public, appears to have been drawn up in consequence of a resolution agreed to previous to the date of the resolution of the Governor and Council, the subject of that resolution being reserved for a separate representation to the King The petition complains first, of the attacks which have been made, and which are still making, upon the rights, the reputation, and the lives of the peaceable inhabitants of the West India Colonies, by those speculative men, who have, with such dreadful success, propagated their fanatical and chimerical notions of liberty and equality in the old world; and, it expresses a firm reliance on the wisdom and paternal care and solicitude of his Majesty to prevent similar success in his distant possessions. The other subject of complaint, is, the breach of the compact between the mo

other islands, by the ruin of all our colonies in the West Indies. That such must be the effects of this harsh measure will admit of little doubt in the mind of any one who takes time to consider what is the nature and what the extent of the intercourse between Jamaica and the United States. The Americans supply the planters of Jamaica with flour, Indian meal, Indian corn, rice, pork, beef, salt fish, some live stock, house timber, scantling, boards, shingles, and staves; that is to say, with a great portion of the food required for the planters, the negroes, the merchants, and, as the Assembly observe, even for His Majesty's troops; with timber, scantling, and boards wherewith to build and repair the houses and manufactories, with shingles to cover them, and with staves for making the hogsheads and puncheons wherein to send the produce of the colony to the mother country. In payment for these articles of prime necessity the planters have been hitherto permitted to employ, in part, the produce of their land; but, this permission has extend ed, I believe, no further than the articles of