66 66 step out of the trodden path of form and necessary duty to render the most essential "service to his country?" These people always assume; always argue upon assumption; always take for premises admitted, the facts and principles which their adversaries deny. We deny, generally, that "service "to the country" can be rendered by irre to enable the leading Saints to ascertain the precise length, to which they may venture to stretch their consciences, without any very great risk of being exposed to the scoffs of the wicked. Stretch them, however, as much as they please, they would never be able to save the man, who should be found guilty of a crime any thing nearly approaching that, which, by the Morning-gularity, and breach of the law; and we de Post, in the above-quoted paragraph, is said to have been committed, and the patient endurance of which would mark us out for animals fit to be shut up in penns and fed in troughs. What! take money out of our pockets in taxes, and lend it to Boyd and Benfield, that they may be able to lend it to us; and all this to save the nation! to maintain the honour and credit of the country! Was the meaning of words ever before so impudently perverted? Was there ever so gross an insult offered to the understanding of a nation?In the ministerial paper, the SUN, of the 8th instant, there appeared a paragraph, apparently intended to prepare the public for a favonrable construction of what is likely to come out, relative to another subject connected with the malversations of Lord Melville, which paragraph was as follows: "It has been pretended, in the violence of party, that "Mr. Pitt connived at Lord Melville's mis"conduct, and that he knew private advantage was derived from public money. "This charge is positively false; but it is "said, that it is attempted to be supported, upon the evidence of a person who was formerly governor of the Bank. We warn ministers in future, never to listen "to that which does not relate to the "business immediately before them; to "beware how they hold coufidential inter"course with those who come to them upon public business. Ten years after, a slight "conversation, which passed, probably, at a time when the minister's mind was oc"cupied with other pressing and important "matter, it is thought just, it is thought "no breach of the rules of social inter course, to bring up such a conversation "in evidence against him, as if it had "been a formal representation, and for the purpose of injuring his reputation! I "will not characterize such a conduct; "he who holds it will, I trust, find it justly estimated in his future in"tercourse with mankind. There are "other points upon which much misrepresentation has gone forth. Every irregularity, though it had for its object "the public service, is now branded as corrupt. If the conduct of public men is to be tried by such rules, what man will ever K ny, particularly, that "service to the coun"try" has been rendered by any of the acts of which Lord Melville and his associates have been found guilty, or accused.——But this is not the point at which the paragraph chiefly aims. Its evident object is to prepare us for the hearing of some proof, that Mr. Pitt was, many years ago, apprised, by a Bank-Director, of the practices of Lord Melville and Mr. Trotter. If this were true,. there would need no more; and, so powerfully am I impressed with the effect which such a fact must produce, if communicated to the public from an authentic source; so clear does it appear to me, that such a fact would establish a crime rather greater than that which drove Lord Melville from the Admiralty and the Privy Council; so steadfast am I in this view of the matter, that, in my preceding number, I did not notice the above-quoted paragraph, expecting, day after day, to see it contradicted. Contradicted, however, it has not been; and, therefore, I have thought it right to point iɛ out to the attention of my readers.I had nearly forgotten to observe, that, in the present sheet, p. 720, will be found a letter, in which is very clearly and concisely described the grounds of the connection between PAUL BENFIELD and the ministry. Every thing appertaining to that connection must be regarded as interesting at this time.-As somewhat belonging to subjects of finance, I will here notice a circum stance which I am astonished to have seen pass so long unobserved upon. The Receiver General of the Customs does, I believe, pays, by direction, his daily receipts, daily into the Banking Shop of SMITH, PAYNE, and SMITH, who make up their account with him each Saturday only, and who are not required to pay the amount into the Bank of England, till the subsequent Tuesday. When this practice first began, Loun CARRINGTON was, I believe, at the Lead of the above-named banking shop, in which two of the noble lord's brother's still remain. There are, doubtless, very subatantial reasons for having, adopted, and for still pursuing, this mode of conveying the Cettom-House receipts to the Bank; but, one would like to hear those reasons. FRENCH AND SPANISH FIETS. 1A the beginning of this war, few people expected, that we should so soon be all in uncertainty and alarm about the " combined "fleets of France and Spain;" that all our ports would so soon have been thrown into confusion, in order to hasten out ships to enable our admirals to meet the enemy; that the English fleet would have been compelled to sneak away from the blockade of Cadiz at the sight of an approaching French fleet: few people expected to see these things, even though the Addingtons had continued alone in the management of affairs, and still fewer expected to see them come to pass under the rule of the PILOT;" Mr. Canning's "Pilot;" the great-minded, the vigorous, the warlikeminister! To the vigour of the pilot and the wisdom of a couple of his “ young friends,” we are indebted for the war with Spain, and, of course, for the junction of the French and Spanish fleets, together with all the consequences of that junction. The FRERES having dispatched the diplomatic part of the business, their brother-in-law, SIR JOHN ORDE, was selected to carry on the war! The papers tell us, that "the gentlemen "concerned in the West-India trade" have waited upon Mr Pitt to inquire into the state of the defence of those possessions. This puts one in mind of the silly fellow remonstrating with his wooden god., These "gen"tlemen" have been crawling at the heels of Mr. Pitt these 20 years. Let them take the consequences. Could I be certain that the cause of their alarm would produce no injury to the kingdom, I should laugh to see them wring their hands, tear their hair, and cry. like old Shylock at the loss of his dear ducats. PUBLIC PAPERS. ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL. -Note of the Portuguese Minister to the English Minister at that Court (Lord Robert Fitzgerald.) in answer to the Note of the latter (See p. 259) relative to the Publication, in the Lisbon Gazette, of the Declaration of the Prince of Peace.-Date, Lisbon, 14 Feb. 1805. you SIR,I received the note which addressed to me, of date January 25, in regard to an article in the Supplement to the Lisbon Gazette, containing a faithful translation of a paragraph taken from the Madrid Gazette of Dec. 20 last. After having had the honour, Sir, to explain to you verbally the reasons which authorised the insertion of that article, I hoped that you would be fully convinced that no solid reason could be alledged for requiring the suppression of it. I am certain that the said article was translated into all the gazettes ( Europe; and I am persuaded that none of the ministers of EngÎand have demanded from the governments where they reside a similar exclusion of that official paper. If pieces of this kind were to be omitted in political gazettes, what matter could be found to fill them ?- -I must also inform you, Sir, in order to free you from the doubt you have testified on this subject, that the insertion of the said official article in the Portuguese Gazette was with the knowledge of the government, because it did not think that it exposed itself by causing to be transcribed any official papers, published in other European gazettes, and under the head of Foreign Countries. Similar articles, faithfully copied, and unaccompanied by reflec tions, have never proved either the approbation or disapprobation on the part of the government which permits them to be printed. -I confess, Sir, that I cannot see how it can give the least offence. The same article, at a period somewhat later, might have been copied by the English gazettes, in which no doubt it has been published. Besides, you know, Sir, that after discussions on a similar subject, which took place before my ministry, His Royal Highness the Prince Regent caused to be notified to you, that the official publications of the English government would also be translated into the Lisbon Gazette.— I embrace this opportunity of renewing to you professions of the consideration with which I am," &c., PRUSSIA AND SWEDEN.- -Note deliver by the Swedish Chargé-d'Affaires at Ber lin to the Prussian Cabinet relative to e Note of Baron Hardenberg, of the 24 Dec. 1804. The date of THIS Note is not stated; but it has just made its appear ance here in Englund, from the Hamburgk Papers. The undersigned Charge-d'Affaires from the King of Sweden, has just received instructions from his Court, relative to Baron Hardenberg's note, of the 24th December, 1804. By the express command of his Majesty, the undersigned returns the following answer. His Excellency the Minister of the Cabinet will be pleased to recollect, that immediately on receipt of the said note, the King declared that, the affair being of a na ture of equal concern to Sweden and to Rus sia, both closely united by treaties, by mutual friendship, and by the ties of consanguinity, his Majesty had resolved to consult with the Emperor of Russia on the overture made to him, and to give his answer at the same time with that which his Imperial Majesty might think proper to transmit to Berlin. The last accounts from St. Petersburgh have fully jus peror tified the conviction which the King entertained relative to the sentiments of the Emof Russia on this subject; and as his Imperial Majesty soon after resolved to take some steps, the King would no longer delay an answer, such as the Emperor of Russia has also found adapted to the present case. True to the principles of that dignity which ought to characterize every sovereign of an independent state, the King cannot permit his general political system, the system of his alliances, and the engagements which perhaps may spring from it, ever to become the object of a discussion. His Prussian Majesty has himself declared, that it is his principle to regard this indisputable right of every sovereign; he cannot therefore but acknowledge it in its application. If then he will consider, that no measure of the King ever furnished the slightest ground for suspecting its being directed against the particular inte rest of Prussia, the right of demanding fürther explanations on those measures (the nature of which sufficiently indicated their object), is consequently not afforded. The King cannot as yet persuade himself that his Prussian Majesty will persist in his intention to modify the general polity of Sweden, by the influence of his system of neutrality, which influence would be the more inadmissible, since the said system (on which the King does not permit himself to judge, with respect to the states of his Prussian Majesty, and the neighbouring states which have formally recognized it) cannot possibly extend its effects so far as to confine the general dispositions of a Sovereign, who (as such) does not recognise any person's supremacy, and, as a member of the Germanic Empire, only that of the Emperor of the Romans. The King, therefore, has no other explanations to give than these, that he will invariably prove true to his principles, the justice and dignity of which must constantly be the best guarantees of his intentions. His Majesty readily believes that the King of Prussia will acknowledge the justice of the preceding remarks; and that he will not avail himself of some erroneous and exaggerated assertions to attempt an unjust conquest. Of this the King must be doubly convinced, on considering that those assertions (even by the avowal of the Cabinet of Berlin itself), are made by a government, the hostile sentiments of which, towards his Majesty's person, are known to all Europe. Should it, nevertheless, be possible, in spite of the King's conviction, in this respect, that an actual attack be made on Pomerania, his Majesty declares, that he will not be wanting in allies, who will too clearly see the justice of his cause not to support it. This declaration, nevertheless, is not in any sense to be considered as a challenge, as it presupposes the case of an attack; and the King would the less omit making this remark, as he would with pleasure see the interest of both states united for the general welfare, and the connexions between himself and his Prussian Majesty maintained for ever by reciprocal confidence and firiendship. (Signed) VON BRINKMANN. LORD HARROWBY to LORD GOWER.The following Letter is translated from the French Official Paper, the Moniteur, of the 20th of March, 1805, prefaced by the following remark: "The cbsurdity of 66 a Treaty of Subsidy between Sweden "and England is such, that the King of "Sweden himself appears to disavow it. "The following is a Letter from Lord 66 Harrowly to Lord Gower, written on "the 5th of Nov. 1804, which affords elu"cidations on this and other points, that "will be read with interest." This Letter has not been publicly avowed by Lord Harrowby; but, it has not been publicly dis wowed; though it has now been pullished in the London papers more than six weeks. I am glad to hear you have got so far in so short a time. The concluding part of your letter gave no hopes of great success; but the news from Copenhagen (received the 11th) relative to the arrival of the Amethyst, proved that our fears were groundless. I hope you will prevail on Russia, if not to fire great guns, at least to publish thundering manifestoes about the seizure of the Chevalier Rumbold. Sweden has sent the account of the expense of 25,000 men, amounting to about forty-eight millions of livres tournois; and I conclude from it, that the Swedish ministers have made this account on purpose to have it rejected. We know nothing yet of the first negotiation.- -M. Frere has been very ill. On the 28th of September he sent a note to Cevallos, to complain of the armaments at Ferrol. The only answer he received was, that those armaments were not destined against Great Britain.Parliament is adjourned to the 3d of January. The King is returned, perfectly well in every respect. The dispatch of this day is particularly calculated for the Court of Berlin, be cause it has hitherto shewn very little inclination to enter into those views. But even Vienna requires much spurring on; it appears from the reports of Sir Arthur Paget, that affairs have not been more forwarded by the negotiation of Rasumowsky. As long is Supplement to No. 20, Vol. VII.-Price 10d. they will complain on the one part, and not make any plain proposals on the other, it will be impossible to get forward. The envoys from England and Russia, at Vienna, must be able to say, at the same time, make a defensive alliance with us, in case the consequences of the treaty cause a war with France; see here the number of Russian troops which you may calculate upon; here you have the plan of the campaign; there, what we propose, if successful, and here the subsidies which England will give. If no overtures can be made sufficiently explicit and positive to obtain a clear answer, it cannot be hoped that Austria will be obliged to declare herself. Another year will elapse with proposals on the one part, and rejections on the other; so that resistance, always supposed fruitless, will at last become so indeed. Although we dare not press Russia to proceed immediately to active measures; yet if, contrary to our expectation, she should be inclined to proceed, you will take care not to oppose it, especially if Prussia should be inclined to take a part with her. All our friends are well. I am going to Bath for a fortnight, &c. addressed the Emperor in the following terms: SIRE, You have ordered me to assemble together the consulta of state, and the deputation of the Italian republic, and to invite them to take into consideration the object most important for their present and future destinies, the form of their government. I have the honour, Sire, to present to you, in the result of their labours, the wish they have formed. The first consideration that struck the minds of the assembly produced a conviction, that it was impossible to preserve longer the present form without the peril of remaining far behind the rapid course of events that characterises the epoch in which we live. The constitution of Lyons had all the characteristics of being provisional. It was but the effect of circumstances, a system constitutionally too weak to answer the views of durability and preservation. The urgent necessity of changing it, is demonstrated to reflection as it is generally felt. In setting out from this point, every thing was simple. The system of a constitutional monarchy was pointed out to us by the progress of enlight ened reason, and by the conclusive results of experience, and the Monarch was pointed out by all the sentiments of gratitude, love, and confidence. Sire, in a country that you have conquered, reconquered, created, organized, and governed hitherto; in a country where every thing recals your exploits, attests your genius, and breathes forth your benefits, but one wish could be formed, and that wish has been expressed. The assembly has not neglected to weigh with strict attention the ulterior views to which your profound wisdom had directed. But though these views were universally important and perfectly concordant with our dearest interests, it was not difficult to convince ourselves that things were not yet sufficiently mature for the attainment of this last degree of political independence. It is consonant, to the natu ral order of things, that the Italian republic should feel during some further time of the condition of all states newly formed. The smallest cloud that appears on the horizon must necessarily create solicitude and excite alarm, and in this situation where could be found a better pledge of our tranquillity and happiness, a more solemn guarantee of the consolidation and existence of our state? Sire, you are still a condition of necessity to it. It belongs only to the counsels of your high wisdom to fix the term of it, to disarm all foreign jealousy. It belongs only to the most generous moderation to consent to find repablic, and the representa- that time exactly in the moment of our dan incipal public bodies-M. Melzigers. The assembly penetrated with all BLOCKADE OF CADIZ.-Downing Street, April 25, 1805. The King has been pleased to cause it to be signified by the Right Hon. Lord Mulgrave, his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the ministers of neutral powers, residing at this Court, that the necessary measures have been taken, by his Majesty's command, for the blockade of the Ports of Cadiz and St. Lucar; and that from this time all the mea、sures authorised by the Laws of Nations, and the respective treaties between his Majesty and the different neutral powers, will be adopted and executed with respect to all vessels which may attempt to violate the said blockade. FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS. NAPOLEON, KING OF ITALY.-The following is an Account of the Proceedings relative to the Assumption of the Crown of Italy by Napoleon, Emperor of the French. PARIS, 18 MARCH, 1805. Yesterday at one, his Majesty, being seated on his throne, surrounded by the grand dignitaries, the ministers, and great officers, and the members of the council of state, the grand master of the ceremonies, introduced M. Melzi, vice-president of the Italian Reputing, amended by M. Mareschalchi, ambas the proofs of your kindness which have mark- | ed the preceding communications, has given way to that full confidence which was due to you; and its last wish, and its last prayer, demand of you constitutions in which the principles you have already proclaimed shall be consecrated, principles, which eternal reason calls out for, and without which the fate of nations would be abandoned to the passions of men. Deign, Sire, to accept, deign to perfect the wish of the assembly over which I have the honour to preside. The interpreter of all the sentiments which animate the hearts of the Italian citizens, it brings to you in this wish the most sincere homage. It will report to them with joy, that in accepting it you have doubled the force of the ties which bind you to the preservation, the defence, and the prosperity of the Italian nation. Yes, Sire, you wished that the Italian republic should exist, and it has existed. Wish that the Italian monarchy should be happy, and it will be so. M. Melzi then read the following instrument: The consulta of state, the vice president in the chair, and the deputies of the colleges, and the constituted bodies of the Italian republic, considering the situation of Europe, and that of their country, are unanimously of opinion: 1. That the moment is arrived for placing the finishing hand on the institutions, the basis of which has been laid at Lyons, and for this purpose declaring the government of the Italian republic hereditarily monarchial, according to the principles of the constitution, of the government of the French empire. 2. That the Emperor Napoleon, founder of the Italian republic, be declared King of Italy. 3. That the throne of Italy be hereditary from male to male, in the direct and legitimate line natural and adoptive, to the perpetual exclusion of females, and their issue, with the limit of the right of adoption, not being permitted to extend to any other person than a citizen of the French empire, or of the kingdom of Italy.- -4. That the crown of Italy shall not be united to the crown of France, except on his head; that this union be forbidden to all, and each of his successors: and that no one of them be allowed to reign in Italy, unless he resides on the territory of the Italian Republic. 5. That the Emperor Napoleon shall have the right to give himself, during his life, a successor among his legitimate male children, whether begotten or adopted, but that he cannot make use of this right without compromising the security, the integrity, and the independence of a state, the existence of which is one of his most brilliant titles to glory, as long as the French troops occupy the kingdom of Naples, as long as the Russian armies keep possession of Corfu, as the British forces hold Malta, and the Peninsula of Italy is threatened with becoming at every instant the field of battle of the greatest powers of Europe.-6 That the separation of the crowns of France and Italy will be incompatible with the surety of the state, only when these circumstances shall have ceased. -7. That the point most important for nations, for the nature and stability of the supreme power being regulated, the Emperor Napoleon be requested to repair to Milan to take the crown; and after hearing the consulta of state and the extraordinary deputations of the colleges to give to the kingdom a definitive constitution, which shall guarantee to the people its religion, the integrity of its territory, the equality of its rights, political and civil liberty, and the irrevocability or the sales of national property; to the law alone the power of imposing taxes; and to the natives the exclusive powers of being called to the employments of state; principles which the Emperor Napoleon has consecrated by the laws he has already given to Italy, the proclamation which was the first cry that resounded from the summit of the Alps, when he twice descended from them to conquer and free our country.-8.That finally Europe will remain persuaded, that all the parts of the kingdom of Italy are consolidated for ever, and that no one part can be separated from the rest without threatening the very principle on which the whole has been founded.- -Paris, 15th March, 1805, year 4.(Signed) MELZI, MANSCHALCHI, CAPRARA, &c. His Majesty replied in the following terms: From the moment of our first appearance in your country, we have entertained the desire of establishing the Italian nation free and independent; we have prosecuted this object in the midst of the uncertainty of events. In the first instance, we formed the inhabitants of the right bank of the Po into the Cispadane, and those of the left bank into the Transpadane republic. More fortunate circumstances have since enabled us to unite those states, and to form of them the Cis: 1pine republic. In the midst of the manifold objects which then engaged our attention, our people of Italy were affected by the interest which we felt in every thing that could secure their prosperity and happiness; and, when, a few years after, we learned on the banks of the Nile, that our work was overturned, we became sensible to the misfortunes to which you were a prey. Thanks to |