more than sufficient to carry on the war for any length of time? Why, then, were we thus solemnly reminded, that no attempt had been made to invade our country, except for the purpose of leading us to conclude, that the danger was now over? A conclusion.

which, it is to be presumed, very few men will be weak enough to adopt. It has been stated, over and over again, in this work, that the evident policy of Buonaparte was, not to invade this country for, at least, a year or two; and, because he has not yer attempted it, are we to conclude, that he has totally abandoned the project? Yes, we are desired so to conclude, because it would suit the ministers to have it believed, that their measures have alarmed bim, and have placed the country in a state of perfect security; and this belief they must be particularly anxious to inculcate, from a consciousness that their measures for providing for our defence have proved miserably inefficient. They know they shall be charged with their want of wisdom and energy in this respect, and therefore it is, that they begin by throwing out hints, that no "additional force" is necessary.

THE STATE OF OUR MILITARY FORCE. --This was the subject upon which Parliament was, at the close of their last meeting, the most seriously engaged. It had been agreed, on all hands, that a great addition to our regular military force was absolutely necessary. A measure for that purpose was proposed by Mr. Addington and his colleagues. This measure Mr. Pitt opposed, in order to make way for a more ef ficient measure of his own. At the same time he represented the ministry as exhibiting every mark of" incapacity and imbecility." They were turned out. He immediately came in; not with a new set of men, but with a majority of those very persons, whom he had so stigmatized. His" efficient" measure has completely failed. It has, all over the kingdom, produced trouble, vexation, confusion, expense, every thing but what it was intended to produce, and has, in short, far surpassed in inefficiency, the very utmost that was predicted by its opponents. But, we are told, that, notwithstanding, the project has failed, with regard to the men to be raised by the parish officers, it has, in its more important object, fully succeeded. "The number of men," says the SUN newspaper of the 15th instant," as yet raised by "the parish officers, has certainly fallen

"without competition? And, has not this "been done even already? Has not the re

cruiting service thriven throughout the "country? Has it been equally flourishing "for several years? Facts will answer these "questions in the affirmative; and we wish "for nothing more to establish the superio"rity of Mr. Pitt's measure over those which "preceded it." So! the raising of fifty or sixty new battalions; the loving couples of battalions; all the system of sweet intercourse, upon which Mr. Pitt dwelt in strains so melodious and moving that some of his tender-hearted" young friends" could hardly refrain from blubbering aloud; all this is now nothing in comparison with the effect which the measure has had in doing away the competition against the regular army, which was proposed to be done by Mr. Addington's measure, and which had been a hundred times recommended by Mr. Windham! And yet these impudent hirelings dare tell their readers, that Mr. Pitt's measure has proved to be "superior to those "which preceded it!" THE TIMES, however, a newspaper which, as has been before observed, is devoted to the junior main branch of The Family, takes care, on the 16th instant, to state, that Lord Hawkesbury did not fail to observe, during his speech of the 15th, that the success of the recruiting service, during the last six months, was to be ascribed to the measure of the army of reserve, that is, a measure of Mr. Addington; but, his lordship should have added, that, had it not been for Mr. Windham, Colonel Craufard, Mr. Elliot, and Dr. Lawrence, no provision would have been made in the army of reserve act, to enable men to leave that service and to enlist into the regular army. How many men have thus enlisted, during the last half year, we are not yet officially informed; but, certainly, no one will be found with assurance enough to say, that they have been induced to enlist by the operation of Mr. Pitt's additional force bill? Indeed, there is but too much reason to fear, that, when the facts come to be known, it will appear, that the ordinary recruiting service has, during the last six months, produced but very few men; and, that, including those from the army of reserve, (chiefly in Ireland), the increase has not been more than equal to the waste of the army during the same period. The men inlisted from the army of reserve must not be regarded as men raised; men added to our military force; they have merely changed regiments; and, therefore, it may be safely asserted, that the men raised, since Mr. Pitt came again into the Treasury,

are not equal in number to one-fifth, and, perhaps, not to one-tenth, of the regular soldiers who have died, or deserted, or who have been discharged during that period. Such being the fact, one is forced to admire the hardihood of those, who would have us believe that the " respectable and formida"ble state of our army," has contributed to "deter the enemy from so presumptuous " and desperate an enterprise," as that of invading this country. "The respectable "and formidable state of the militia" can admit of no doubt, in the minds of those who consider the effect which must have been produced in the militia regiments by Mr. Pitt's bill, which condemned them to gradual decay. "The unabated zeal and "improved discipline of a numerous volun"teer force" are proved, perhaps, by a diminution of members and a discontinuance of military exercise. There are not, probably, above 60,000 men, out of the boasted 480,000, who now keep up even the appearance of belonging to a military body; and, as to the improved discipline of any of the volunteers, we have heard of no instance of it, except in the conduct of the brave Cornish volunteers, who made use of their muskets for the purpose of attacking an officer of a man of war and his party, who were in quest of deserted sailors.*At at time when the military force of the country is in such a fearful state of decrepitude and decay; especially, when we are entering upon a war with Spain in addition to our former contest, and are told of expected alliances and co-operations upon the Continent; at such a time it surely becomes the Parliament to enter into a full investigation of all matters relating to the military force of the country; and, it will be strange indeed if any one, who professes to be a partisan of Mr. Pitt, should disapprove of the motion, of which Mr. Windham has given notice, for the House of Commons to go into a committee upon the state of our national defence. A similar motion was made by Mr. Fox, on the 23d of April last,† and its adoption was strongly urged by Mr. Pitt, who insisted, and, indeed, clearly shewed, that such a step was perfectly congenial with the principles of the constitution and with the practice of Parliament. But, the ground upon which he maintained the expediency of going into a committee of the whole House to revise the several bills for the defence of the country, and to consider of such further

* See the advertisement of the Lords of the Admiralty, Vol. VI. p. 950.- See the Parliamentary Debates, Vol. II. p. 199.

86

measures as might be necessary to make that defence more complete and permanent: the ground upon which he maintained the expediency and even the necessity of taking this step, was, the unter " incapacity and imbecility" of the then ministers, as fully exhibited in their measures relating to the ar my. "All those," said he, "who are con"vinced, by experience, that, after twelve "months have been given to these gentle"men" (the ministers) "to exhaust all the "resources of their minds, to amend, and " what they may have thought, to improve "from the suggestion of others; all those "who are convinced upon mature reflection, "that, from the present ministers, or under "them, nothing is likely to originate to

give the country a fair chance of having "what is due to its own zeal and its own "exertions (and, I confess I am one of "those), will support this motion.”*.

There have been twelve months of war,

preceded by a peace, which, by the con"fession of ministers themselves, was a mere "notice of that war, and a war, in which "they themselves have been exhausted in "their skill; and yet, in the course of the "last twelve months, they have brought for"ward nothing, in which there has not "been a variety of contradictions in the "plans, repugnancies in the measures, and

imbecility in the execution. Nothing, in "which every step has not been marked by "unnecessary delay; and, at last, the mea

sures adopted amounting almost to a re"traction of the principle upon which it "was founded. I should say, it is extraor "dinary, indeed, if, after having such and "so many melancholy proofs that ministers "themselves, after repeated trials, have "proved what is to be expected from them "by what they have produced, if this House "did not inquire into this important subject, "in hope of being able to devise some better means for the defence of the country than 66 any which they have brought forward for "that purpose; a course in which, if they are permitted to go on, there can be no "hope of safety to this country. Such has "been the mode in which they have ma"naged the important charge of defending

the country, that I feel myself called upon "explicitly to declare, that I do consider "the measure for the increase of the regular army as a measure for which ministers are "unable to provide."+ "What measures "have they ever adopted that have not been "thwarted by some other of their measures?

* Parliamentary Debates, Vol. II. p. 206. + Ibid, Vol. II. p. 207,

congruities Whatever, then, the spirit " and zeal of a free and brave people may "have been, under the sense of danger,

ought fairly to be separated from the tar"diness, languor, and imbecility of mini"sters."†——" They who, by a manifesto

since published to the world, explained "that there were grounds, almost from im"mediately after the conclusion of the peace, to complain of the conduct and to suspect the intentions of Buonaparté, had yet omitted to devise measures to counter"act his designs, and to put the country in a state fitted for the description of hostility to be apprehended. In this state the "country is not, in fact, even now placed; " and this forms one of my reasons for con"curring in the motion before the House, "because, as they who thought the peace "not likely to continue," [observe, he knew all about this full as well as they did], "did 66 not prepare for war, and who, since the war has commenced, have not pursued "that course of vigorous exertion which the "situation of the empire called for, are not "those in whom I could confide for the "establishment of our security."--"Can any man say, that there is to be found, in any part of the structure of the volunteer "system, as far as ministers are concerned, "that which can deserve the character of "discretion, or the approval of a statesman ? "There was, in fact, no part of the conduct

66

66

66

66

"ency."*. "Ministers have been equal"ly ihjudicious in every other project of "defence. The fact is, that ministers, so "far from having spontaneously taken any vigorous measures for the defence of the country, I state boldly, that no part of the measures for the increase of the military "establishment of the country has originated "with them. Any benefit that may have "resulted from the army of reserve act, is not, I assert, attributable to ministers, who were quite at a loss what course to take, " and who knew not, in fact, what measures were applicable to the dangers of the country."--" Is not this enough to 66 expose the mind of ministers; to shew "their disacquaintance with the means of "executing even their own purposes? In"deed, I am perfectly convinced of their "want of vigour; every circumstance serves "to shew it, and I have, therefore, the

66

66

66

66

strongest conviction upon my mind, that "they are incapable of acting upon any thing "like system, of adopting or executing any "well-digested or energetic plan for the "defence of the country. I do not, of "course, place any hope in their exertions,

and, therefore, concur in the propriety of "the proposed committee, where every "question connected with our security may "be fully investigated."The whole speech should be read; as also the speeches of the same gentleman in the same volume, pp. 265, 311, and 593; and his speeches in Vol. I. pp. 874, and 922, particularly the passage pp. 923 and 924, where he reprobates the conduct of, and declares his total want of confidence in, the ministry, in terms more strong, if possible, than those made use of in the passages above quoted. --That this character and description of the then ministry was true the friends of the noble Lord Viscount Sidmouth may possibly deny; but, the truth has been acknowledged by the public voice, and has been stamped by the decision of Parliament; at any rate, it is scarcely possible to believe, that it will be denied by the partisans of Mr. Pitt. It is not safe to speak quite positively upon this head, seeing that there have occurred several instances, in which these gentlemen have treated our belief in the statements of their hero as proofs of our ignorance or perverseness. Still, however, under existing "circumstances," it is hardly credible that they will openly insist, that we ought to regard Mr. Pitt's solemn assertions as false.

* Parliamentary Debates, Vol II. p. 215. Ibid. p. 219. Ibid, p. 218.

66

Proceeding upon this presumption, then, our first business is to inquire, who were the incapable and imbecile" ministers, of whom Mr Pitt was speaking, and, on account of his total distrust in whom, he found himself called upon, "from a deep sense of duty to "his Sovereign and his Country," to support a motion for the House of Commons to go into a committee to revise the measures necessary for our national defence; because, if we find them to be the very same persons, who compose the present cabinet, it must appear difficult to discover the ground, upon which such a motion can now be opposed by Mr. Pitt and his partisans. The best way will be to take a hst of the names of each cabinet, distinguishing them by the epithets applied to each by Mr. Pitt himself.

Thus, then, it appears, that as to the number of "NOSES." the present cabinet possesses a superiority of one tenth over the last; but, as the change from " incapability "and imbecility" to capability and efficiency" can scarcely be ascribed solely to this circumstance, we must seek elsewhere for so powerful a cause. The partisans of Mr. Pitt will, doubtless, perceive it in the introduction of that gentleman, together with those other statesinen, Lords Melville, Camden and Mulgrave, into the cabinet. But, still all the "incapacity and imbecility" remain, except that portion of them that were turned out with Loid St. Vincent and Mr. Yorke; for, as to the Duke of Portland, every one knows, that he meddled not with the measures relating to the military defence of the country. And, whatever errors might have been justly imputed to Lord St. Vincent, there are very few persons, who will venture to say, that he was justly chargeable with "incapacity or imbecility." Want of capacity or of energy was never even thought to belong to his character. And, in the general charges, of this sort, brought against the former cabinet, Mr. Yorke was never selected as a person more incapable or imbecile than any of his colleagues. At any rate, seven tenths of the " incapacity and

"imbecility" of the former cabinet must be regarded as contained in the present cabi net; and, therefore, Mr. Pitt must unsay what he said upon Mr Fox's motion, he must confess that he gave an untrue description of seven of his present colleagues; or, he must insist that he and the three others who have come into the cabinet with him possess all the present capacity and energy, and the seven are mere NOSES;" or, he must assent to the propriety of going into the propose d committee. Which of the three be will choose is uncertain; but, if we may judge from the language of his leading print, THE SUN, where the office of President of the Council is termed "a sort of balf retirement," an office of "mere dig"nity, entirely separate from the originating "or the deciding upon great public measures, particularly such as relate to war or peace ;” if we may judge from this language, as well as from that which is heard in all the circles of Mr. Pi t's friends, he will choose the second ground of objection to the intended mction of Mr. Windham. If he should, however, he will have to refer to something that he bas done, whence the parliament ought to conclude, that he and his three colleagues possess more capacity and energy than fall to the share of his seven other colleagues; and here his auditors will naturally turn to the effect of his measure for raising "additional force and for providing a permanent supply for the regular army." With respect to the last cabinet, he called upon the parliament to judge of their future. measures by their past measures; and, the time now seems to be come, when his conduct is no longer to be exempted from the rules whereby that of other men is to be judged.One of the ministerial writers, anticipating this embarrassment, has endeavoured to pave the way for a pretext, where. on the necessity of the proposed committee is to be denied. "It can hardly be seriously contended," says he, "that this country is "now in any imminent danger." On this most impudent assertion a better comment cannot be found than that which Mr. Pitt himself made upon the confidence in the former cabinet, expressed by Sir William Curtis. "That blind and false confidence "which exposes the safety of our country! "That confidence which sacrifices our public security for the sake of screening the "government from censure! Is this the "kind of security which the honourable Ba "ronet boasts of as operating so powerfully

an

on his mind, as to induce him to retire this evening, and lay down his head on "his pillow with confidence? It is a dangerous

"and alarming confidence; a confidence "which benumbs our senses, and lulls us to

sleep while the enemy is at our gates; a "confidence which cannet fail to excite the "most lively emotions in the minds of men "of serious reflexion, when contrasting the "terrible activity of the enemy with the "alarming supineness of our government. "Some gentlemen, under the immediate in"fluence of such a confidence, may accuse "me of drawing a gloomy picture of pub"lic affairs. I beg leave, however, to be "understood, that I by no means present "such a view of the times to depress our "national spirit. I mean no inelancholy

forbodings to check the career of prepara"tion against our common enemy and that "of mankind. I only wish to remove the "veil of deception from before our eyes, to "scout that false confidence under which "ministers shelter themselves, a confidence,

*

which, if passed over in silence, may en"danger the very existence of the nation, "because it avows and cherishes a trick upon itself." How just was this! And how just will it be when applied to our present situation, and to the language of those foolish or designing men, who are now prepa ring to resist inquiry upon the ground of confidence in the ministers! But, it is cu rious to observe, that, these very writers, who are, when inquiry is proposed, preparing to assert, that the dangers of the country are now over, never let pass a single day, without imploring us to join heart and hand "in "this awful crisis of our fate." By joining By joining heart and hand, they mean joining in support of the ministry, let them do what they will; and, it was only a day or two before parliament met, that the person who writes in the Morning Post newspaper, had a long exhortation to "forbear from all opposition "till the awful dangers of the country were "over," and that too at the very time that he was asserting, that the catamarans and Mr. Pitt's military measures, had "set the "question of invasion at rest for ever!" What, however, do we learn from higher authority? The mover of the address in the House of Commons begins by expressing his hope, that nothing will disturb the una

nimity which ought to prevail at so momen"lous a crisis ;" and the seconder of that address ends with calling it "a crisis so mo"mentous." The Speech itself calls on us for continued exertions, for "additional bur"dens," and "great efforts and sacrifices;" and, we know too, that this call will not be in vain, as far, at least, as relates to the

Parliamentary Debates, Vol. I. p. 923.

"burdens" and "sacrifices." And, is there, then, no necessity for inquiry? I♦ there less necessity for inquiring into the state of our military force than there was in April last, because we have seen that the grand measure of the present minister has completely tailed, and because he has now formed a coalition with those persons whom he turned out under the charge of " incapa"city and imbecility ?" Or, has the necessity of inquiring into military matters been done away by the new war, in which he has involved us since the last motion for inquiry was made? Or by the prospect, which we are told there is, of continental alliances, and, of course, of an English army being wanted upon the Continent? Indeed, it must be evident, that, if ever there was a time that called for the serious deliberation of parliament upon the subject of our military means, that time now is; and, when we recollect the numerous instances, in which we have been told, that we ought not to deliberate, because the occasion was pressing, the objection to deliberation now urged by the ministerial writers, cannot be ascribed to any other motive than that of the anxious wish, on the part of their employers, to be screened from the effects of parliamentary investigation.This topic ought not to be dis missed without a remark or two upon the attempt, which these writers are making, to give to the proposed motion of Mr. Windham a party complexion; to represent that gentleman as having caught at a lucky coincidence of circumstances, in order to embarrass, and expose the inconsistency and imbecility of the minister. Such motive, supposing Mr. Windham to be convinced that the prolongation of the minister's power will tend to the ruin of the country (a supposition by no means improbable) would incrit applause rather than censure; but, is it possible for any one, who has been an observer of Mr. Windham's conduct, and, particularly, any one who has paid attention to his unremitted efforts, to his continual labours, to his constant earnestness and anxiety, upon the subject of our military force; is it possible for such a person to believe, that the proposed motion proceeds from a party motive, especially when that motive can extend no further than the low desire of triumphing over him, who has now sought protection under the shield of those, whom, but a few months ago, he branded with the marks of incapacity and imbecility!" Can any one, who witnessed the conduct of Mr. Windham during the two years following the preliminaries of prace, who saw him yo ting in a minority of twenty, frequently con