not prepared for it. Then let us spare no money, to defend onr Old England from the ambitious designs of a foreign enemy.-S. C. Any scheme of fortification for the protection of the nation is better than none; and as there is no better one proposed, the Government scheme ought certainly to be carried out. We must consider that until some sort of fortifications are completed, we shall be open to an invasion, but afterwards no country will dare to threaten us with impunity, as long as there are British hearts and hands upon our shores.F. S. M. The Government scheme for internal fortifications deserves the notice of every one interested in the welfare of his country; the independence of which he desires to remain intact, as regards invasive attempts from external foes. The importance of this measure has not yet, I am aware, taken full possession of the minds of all the British people, because they have not fully weighed the matter; they consider our navy equal to any emergency that may occur. Looking at the modern improvements introduced into the increasing navies of other nations as well as our own, chances exist for successful attempts to subdue our independence. How long would the steamers of France be in throwing her hosts upon our shores? It is probable that such events might occur, even before our Channel squadron had received any intimation of the fact. What is Garibaldi doing at this moment, under the combined influences of darkness and steam? Surely we have something to protect, adequate to the estimated expenditure.-S. F. T. Fortifications are the safeguard of nations; they form a wall of defence, and behind which the people of this country may work in perfect peace and safety. They have resisted successfully even the people of England; but when defended by English hearts and English hands, how much more powerful will they be, and what a guarantee will they give of security to its inhabitants.-WHITE. If the navy, our first line of defence, met with any reverses, we should have nothing to fall back upon. Therefore fortifications are necessary, and will make invasion almost impossible.-RED. National prosperity is concomitant with, and synonymous to, realised security. National security, like personal, is resultant from capability to meet exigencies, either existing or anticipatory. Exigencies are measured and calculated from the experience of the past; the sole data of the will being, necessarily, the what has been; and although history may never actually repeat herself, with inscrutable identity she ever repeats herself under varied modifications and divergencies; the whole phenomena of political, social, and individual life, in 1860, being strictly identical in spirit with what has been in every age of the world's history. Every nation has its prejudices, its preferences, and its foibles; they may be healthful or injurious to the national weal; but, as one or other predominate, they mould and mark their impress upon the state and people, and when so impressed, we call them national characteristics. These prejudices or preferences may be resultant from a variety of causes, known to philologists; among others, none are more effective than climate, race, and geographical position. These we term natural causes, and those less liable to derangement from external agency. If, then, a nation possesses a defined character, resulting from natural causes, over which they have but little control, and can only modify by circumstantial intervention, and then only affect the superficial strata, does it not follow that, in our survey of man, or a conglomeration of men, which we call a nation, that we view that which is what it is, by an arbitrary law of nature? Take one or two instances: - The inhabitants of warm, or tropical countries, are notoriously indolent, not because they pos sess less physical powers than those of colder climates, but it is attributable to the fact that nature, in warm climates, is more prolific than in cold, and needs less the auxiliary aid of man. Hence he has fewer stimulants or incentives to industry, and becomes indolent; while, owing to the comparative sterility of nature in cold climes, man is forced to exertion to assist her operations, and habits of industry become part and parcel of his being. Again:-islanders, from their constant contact with the ocean, become fearless of its dangers, while those unaccustomed to the water imbibe a natural dread of its perils. The inhabitants of a hill country, familiar with the precipice and the gorge, the abyss and the gulf, are careless of its dangers, and possess a courage and an independence of nature unknown to the denizen of the city. So, also, are the inhabitants of a continent affected by geographical position; and these, acting on the mind, have produced some of the great political phenomena in the world's history; and when in combination with race, causation has been greatly intensified. We have not space to go into details, but will simply allude to the great race which inhabits continental Europethe Caucasian-who, by their superior intelligence, have made recede before them all the inferior races, so that we may justly call them a conquering people. The inhabitants of countries of great extent have opportunity of expansion which those living in more contracted spaces do not possess. Citizenship affects the mind; and in proportion to the character and position of the state, is the mind of the citizen affected. The inhabitants of a small and mean country have nothing to incite to pride, or, as our neighbours would say, to "glory;" while the native of a rich and powerful state has much to cause independence of character. This independence, rightly guided, becomes a source of good to society at but if misdirected, is the root of many of the evils which afflict the world. Perhaps the greatest has been that spirit which has been engendered by a consciousness of power, developing VOL. IV. large; itself in aggression and encroachmeut upon other than its own. It is embodied in'the imperial ideal-an ideal for which ambitious spirits, in every age, have fought, conquered, succumbed, or died, -an idea over which even now dark thoughts are brooding in the cabinet and the closet. Did we say now? Yes, even now; after 6,000 years of the butchery and massacre of man; after his sacrifice in perpetual holocausts; after the fairest portions of earth have been deluged with blood, and 10,000 cities razed and ravaged; after infuriated hate, and diabolical spleen has racked its brains to torture its fellows, all for this one ideal,-we say we use no poetry, nor are our words those of hyperbole, when we repeat that the same dark spirit, which has cursed and blighted the world so long, is as rampant now as ever. The imperial idea-as old as Babylon, as expanded and as expansive as the world -is as much alive in this our day, as when Alexander led his phalanxes to India's scorching clime, or when Julius Cæsar carried his eagles to the distant British isles, when Attila traversed Germany, or when Napoleon ravaged the plains of Europe. We say this "ideal" exists now (recent history attests it), and it is only by the jealous guardianship of the high privileges which destiny has confided to Europe, that that ideal shall not become embodied again. At the present moment there are two great powers coveting universal supremacy, Russia and France. Of the former, Europe has no immediate dread; she has elements which, for many ages, will incapacitate her for supreme rule; but it is France which Europe in reality dreads (not a dread of the final result, but a dread of the suffering and sacrifice of life which the contest to thwart her will cost); for the line of conduct which her present Emperor is following is identical with that marked out by the first Napoleon. Will Europe stand by and see that line followed? We answer for England alone. Every motion in France X will meet its response in England; watchful and vigilant, she will follow her every track. If France wishes war, England will not shrink from the contest. Those that at Agincourt and Cressy, those that triumphed at La Hogue and Trafalgar, now, as ever, possess the same blood, energy, and invincible courage. Freemen by birth-their country untrod by foe for 800 years, they are prepared, come what may, to stand for England's glory and England's weal. That is why, when France builds her fleet, England launches her liners; when France improves her gunnery, the echo of England's Armstrongs is wafted by the breeze over Cherbourg's ramparts; when France mobilized her army, and threatens aggression, England's sons unite, and 150,000 stand in immoveable column; and when France erects her batteries, England does and will fortify her coasts; and, duty done, awaits results. -D. S. NEGATIVE. In France, we believe, there is in existence a law which constitutes the raising of a false alarm a misdemeanour, punishable by imprisonment. We wish such a law were in force in England. From our childhood we have heard dark rumours circulated about an expected French invasion, and from those happy days when we thought that "the gun" above the fireplace was a match for a legion of Frenchmen, we have never known those rumours to assume a tangible form; but they have always continued, in their pristine purity, to be nothing but-rumours. What inducements have the Government to undertake such gigantic measures of fortification? None but the alarms raised by a number of newspaper editors, who are often at a loss for something to write about. Is it fair to an already overtaxed people, to saddle them with millions of money to allay the fears of some few timid beings who think their country is not well enough fortified by a vast fleet on sea, and thousands of soldiers, militiamen, and volunteers on land, not to speak of thousands of unostentatious good hearts and true, who are ready, when the danger comes, to "Shoulder the rifle, and gird on their thigh The sword that grows brighter as danger draws nigh." In order to maintain inviolate their liberties, their altars, and their homes leaving the question of expensewe think it is a work of supererogation fortifying like a citadel the shores of such a country as England. We give the Emperor of the French credit for being the possessor of a good deal of cunning; but we think we do not show our appreciation of his craftiness-in fact, we do him an injustice, according to the opinion we have formed of himwhen we suspect him of cherishing aggressive designs towards our sacred soil. He knows better, if his boasting colonels do not.-J. I. Although I admit there have been grounds for some anxiety as to our position, I consider that much false alarm has been raised throughout the country. The expense of the proposed fortifications would be immense, and it should not be forgotten that we are already an overtaxed people. The large number of volunteers, rifle and artillery, ought to make us feel more secure than hitherto; and, as no substantial reasons have been assigned for expending so large an amount of money, think that the Government scheme should not be carried out.-TNEJBOR. Notwithstanding that the present Government is composed of clever, far-seeing men, whose experience of State matters and State defences has undoubtedly been great, we believe that the scheme of fortifications they have brought forward is totally unnecessary and inconsistent. It is unnecessary, because, as a nation, our resources, the means of transporting our army from one end of the country to the other, are immense. If an invading and army were about to descend upon our shores, are we to suppose that our navy and army would prove ineffectual in such a case, when they both involve such an expense upon the country? It is inconsistent, because we are professing to be a peaceable nation, and endeavouring to obtain mutual confidence with our nearest ally; while at the same time we show him that we distrust his friendship, and are doing all we can to destroy mutual confidence. -IOTA. We say decidedly, No. We think that the recent parliamentary vote is the most foolish one that has been adopted for many years. It is the latest manifestation of that Anti-Gallican policy which led, in years gone by, to the great French war, and will, in these times, most assuredly lead to a similar result if persisted in. When all the money to be spent on these fortifications has been so spent, England will not be one whit the more secure against invasion. The fortifications to be erected will not stop an invading enemy for an instant; and all the money will be utterly thrown away. The idea of invasion is itself most absurd. What could the Emperor of the French, or any one else, gain by landing troops in Britain? The first Napoleon, brave as he was, never attempted it. What should we think of a man, who, living in a very good house, which had never showed the least signs of decay, suddenly began to prop up the sides and roof of his dwelling, in the fear that it might some time fall down, and then strengthened the props, lest they might break? Should we not say of his conduct, as Mr. Bright said of that of the Defence Commissioners, that it was insane?-J. G. J. Unity and goodwill between nations are great blessings. The flourishing state of commerce and manufactures tends much to a nation's prosperity. Men of talent and foresight know that war and the love of conquest are sure to sever the commercial relations which exist between nations. Louis Napoleon is eminently distinguished for his talent and foresight. The Emperor, we believe, is anxious to avoid falling into the fatal mistake which first shook, and then overwhelmed the power of his uncle. That great mistake was his quarrel with England. It is the object of the Emperor Napoleon III. to establish a Buonapartist dynasty. He knows that this cannot be effected if at any time England should become his enemy. Under such circumstances he might possibly maintain his power for his own lifetime, but we firmly believe the doom of his family would be fixed. But our opponents will argue, that Napoleon III. is not master of his position; and that his army may compel him to make an attempt on England. We deem this extremely chimerical. But even in that case we do not think the Government scheme of fortification would be needed. When a single county can turn out 10,000 amateur soldiers, well armed, well drilled, and unsurpassed in physique, we say, England need not fear. Who that saw the 20,000 volunteers, assembled in Hyde Park to be reviewed by our dearly beloved Sovereign, can fear an invasion of the French? We would ask, Are we not likely to increase and foster the warlike spirit and warlike preparations of the French Government, by pushing our own to too great an extreme? We wish England, and England's honour to be well guarded, but we think she is safe, without an outlay of £12,000,000 on fortifications. We believe that the sturdy spirits of her stalwart sons, their love of country and home, will ever protect her shores from the hostile tramp of a foreign enemy.— -T. L. P. At the risk of being called "prejujudiced and unthinking," a disregarder alike of the late Duke of Wellington's pathetic appeal, and of Lord Palmerston's straightforward and manly enunciation," when introducing his motion for the contemplated scheme of fortifications-to all and each part of that scheme, our negative is frankly and firmly given. We are told, that " по such thing as panic enters into the consideration of this question." What is it but panic that has filled the heads of a goodly portion of the people with imaginary fears?-who see in imagination our navy in flames, or at the bottom of the sea, and the victorious enemy in full march upon London;-who have characterized all who object to their wanton and needless expenditure of the public money as cowards or niggards, or amiable zealots," who "cry peace, when there is no peace"-who, by a strange kind of logic, tell us that "the stronger we are, the better our ally ought to love us." The knowledge of strength might cause fear; but seldom does it produce the feeling of love: such arguments can be used, like a two-edged sword, to cut both ways. From the same cause we ought to love the Emperor of the French, because we acknowledge him to be the most powerful. Do the contemplated fortifications show whether we love or fear? Let their eulogizers answer. Britain, for the first time in the annals of her progress, has in the face of the world proclaimed her terror of a foreign foe; for the first time she has renounced her faith in the prowess of her naval heroes, and the proved valour of her unconquered soldiers: her Government has said, “Our soldiers will henceforth fight behind stone and mud walls." The fact of their allowing that fortifications are needed, implies that our navy is useless for purposes of defence. The sooner that branch of the service is broken up, the more means will be placed at their disposal for the carrying out to its full extent that system upon which they say "the very existence of Britain, as a nation, depends." But, alas for the perfectibility of the scheme, no two authorities are agreed upon the most efficient plan of procedure! though they all see the impending ruin that is sure to fall upon us by the hand of the avenging Gaul, if their particular theory is not adopted. Like all other national schemes, the fortification scheme must be wrought in the dark, with much waste of the public money, in the end to be abandoned as useless-another monument added to the folly of our rulers, and another example of the nation's capability for paying taxes.-M. W. Since the days of Carausius to the present time we could boast, without vanity, and exult, without pride, of the superiority of the British navy. But its requiem has been chanted, and its death-blow dealt by her present Government; the victories of Blake and Nelson are tarnished, and the power of our navy for defensible purposes are by them acknowledged to be inadequate. No longer can we say, with conscious pride, in the words of the poet"Britannia needs no bulwarks, And no towers along the steep." The glorious memories of a thousand years are extinguished, and the humiliating fact of a nation of freemen defending themselves behind ramparts of stone and mud, mark the decline of our greatness. Jobbery and waste are eating, canker-like, into the very vitals of the nation. Fourteen millions yearly are not enough for army purposes, two millions more are required as a first instalment to erect fortifications, in a few years to fall to decay, and to be held as useless for defence as the huge war-vessels that now rot in our docks, or are falling to pieces for want of rivets to hold them together. Let this country depend on her heretofore invulnerable navy, and in the strong arms and willing hearts of her volunteers, who have raised " a wall of fire around our much-loved isle " that would crumble the pride of boastful Gaul, and scatter to the winds the world in arms: "This England never did (and never shall) Lie at the proud foot of a conqueror in arms, And we shall shock them, nought shall make us rue, If England to itself do rest but true." D. R. R. |