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selves by their exact position being known at a time of great financial embarrassment, by which they would lose prestige and credit, which might ultimately involve them in ruin. Granted it be so, this inconvenience is so small when compared with the numerous and deplorable evils which result from the present insecure system, that it may very appropriately be designated infinitesimal. As things stand now, we have falsified returns, fictitious balance sheets, dividends out of paid-up capital, ruinous speculations, embezzlements of almost fabulous sums, by which a few enrich themselves, to entail on thousands indigence, starvation, and death. For these reasons, we say, that in appointing official auditors to examine the accounts of all public bodies the Government would not exceed, but only exercise, its legitimate legislative and constitutional functions.-PEN AND INK.

Viewing this subject in its moral tendency, and in all its bearings, we opine that no subject of greater importance can be advanced for discussion. Whenever the sinews of industry become injured from any external violence committed with a view to fraudulent design, prosperity puts on the garb of sorrow, and continues to droop and wail till the stimulus of revivification be again applied. Whatever shocks credit is productive of serious inconvenience, frequently becoming a serious calamity, and not unfrequently deteriorating the national reputation, which should be sedulously protected on every side.

No subsequent acts of candour can redeem the forfeited pledge. If ever the fides of a person be chargeable with betrayal, its redemption is a matter of contingency, approaching to impossibility. Dishonesty appears in so many garbs of diverse aspect, that no cautionary provisions have yet been found, however stringent and scrutinizing, to provide an effectual remedy: and the subject deserves the special notice of Parliament. When we instance the perpetration of wrongs against justice and public faith by Fauntleroy,

VOL. IV.

Stephenson, Remington and Co., Davidson and Gordon, Rufford. George Hudson (of railway notoriety), Strahan and Paul, Robson (the scrip speculator), Redpath, and the last great felon, Pullinger, and a host of others charged with delinquencies of lesser magnitude, we think our readers will agree with us that the time has arrived to warrant legislation on the subject.

The violation of the terms of a deed of indemnity hardly ever gives such a power as will facilitate the execution of the laws of retaliation in all their bearings; in fact, the prosecution of a fraudulent offender against common honesty in our courts of criminal justice is seldom if ever recuperatively applicable to the true merits of the case. Every functionary, having opportunities to commit deeds of peculation, ought to be debarred from entering into any schemes of speculation whatever; and whenever one so situated should be discovered to be so engaged, his retention of office should at once be a legal impossibility. Too frequently do the race-course and the gambling table become the concomitants of the basest crimes, varied in hue, covering enormous sums, and extending over a series of years. Yet such offences against good morals and common honesty would have been detected, and their lamentable results avoided, had there been a public auditor.

We would earnestly urge upon Parliament the expediency of either establishing a board of commissioners for auditing the accounts of public bodies, or extending the jurisdiction of some standing commission, so as to have supervision over such accounts; and we think the majority of our readers will join us in this.-S. F. T.

NEGATIVE..

There is a great tendency in the present day to look to Government for the performance of work which clearly lies beyond its province. Government is now expected to educate our children; to inspect our dwellings; to prevent the

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adulteration of our food; and it is even gravely suggested that it should examine our banking accounts, and audit the books of all our public companies! Why this new work should be allotted to our rulers, we are at a loss to imagine. It surely cannot be because they so diligently perform their ordinary duties, and so promptly and efficiently attend to everything which they take in hand!-X.

Although greater care is certainly wanting in keeping and auditing the accounts of both public and private companies, it is only needed by those who have funds invested therein; but if these companies were inspected by Government, it would increase our national expenses, and thus the poor would have to assist in guarding the purses of the opulent. If the members of gas, railway, banking, and such companies, can or will not mind their affairs in this respect, the needy ought not to assist them.-SUNLEY WOOD.

Self-preservation is said to be the first law of nature, and self-love is certainly the strongest principle in the human breast. We may, therefore, safely leave to them the protection of the pecuniary interests of our fortunate neighbours, and not trouble our legislators with it.-C.

If Government were to appoint official auditors, an expense would be entailed upon the country, which ought to be borne only by the parties directly benefited, and to make the public bodies themselves pay for the services performed, would be to turn the Government into a jobbing office. Either all must pay, or one department of our constitution keep a staff of officers for hire. But the question arises-Have we any precedents whereby it might be proven that the servants of Government are noted for their ability? Unless they are superior in the requisite qualities to private individuals, the difficulty would not be obviated. The superior qualifications are rarely found in Government offices, principally on account of the system pursued in the

selection of servants. Influence is the great element of success on such occasions, and merit is left in the background; a booby may easily obtain a good situation by the assistance of a member of Parliament, while a man of worth, with only his own aptitude for business to befriend him, is scarcely, if ever, recognized. If Government officials are, as a body, incompetent, it would be absurd to place the auditing of a joint-stock bank, or any other institution, in their hands. The Circumlocution Office may at present be borne with, but to connect it with the establishments of enterprising mercantile firms, would clog their machinery, and saturate the atmosphere of the countinghouse with the air of official routine. Instead of expensive, incompetent official auditors, let the public accountant, on whose energetic performance of duty depends his respectability, meet the difficulty.-RONALDO.

After some consideration, I am of opinion that the appointment of such officers as are suggested by this question can be dispensed with. Embezzlements happen from want of proper care and oversight. It has been, wrongly, the custom for many auditors, hitherto, to treat their duties as formal, without calling for and examining vouchers, and obtaining sufficient evidence. It is true that this has often arisen from feelings of delicacy towards those whose accoun's are to be checked, and from a dislike to appear suspicious; but henceforward, auditors must act more business-like; and if proper care and oversight be strictly pursued by them, embezzlements and fraud would then be quite as effectually prevented, as if the Government were to appoint officially. I form this opinion on the ground, chiefly, that public officers are not, as a mutter of course, more cautious than private individuals. It is true that the situations would benefit some lucky persons, who may chance to fill them; but that embezzlements would then be stopped, is quite another thing, and, in my judgment, extremely doubt

ful. At all events, if it can be proved that official auditors ought to be appointed, they should be liable to punishment, if their duties are so neglected as to leave a door open for embezzlements or fraud being committed; otherwise, what would be the real use of Government interference?-TNEJBOR.

Every one will admit that there is at present a great necessity for a stricter supervision of the actions of men in positions of public trust; but it is very doubtful if auditors appointed by Government would accomplish so much as a good system of supervision, exercised by able officers appointed by a company itself. This is easily seen in the last great case which came before the public, in which the simplest check would have proved effectual in stopping those defalcations which, on being discovered, so astonished the public. Moreover, the interference of Government, in a mere matter of business of this kind, would not be well received by those whom it would be intended to benefit, as may be easily perceived by looking at other matters of a similar kind.

If the checks which are provided for the safety of public companies against fraud were duly enforced, and the prevailing carelessness was effectually shaken off, we should hear less of Robsons, Redpaths, and Pullingers.OFFICIAL.

"Not yet," we would say. The recent and oft recurring embezzlements are certainly alarming; but still we think the Government ought not to interfere until the public petition for protection against frauds. We shall be glad when such a step is taken, but let the public risk their money as long as they choose; perhaps when all their cash is in the possession of fraudulent ace untants, &c., they will be fully alive to the danger they are in without the shelter of Government. It is a sad thing if honest men are so scarce that the legislature must appoint official auditors to examine the accounts of all public bodies; such a proposition casts

a slur over the whole profession,-a slur for which there is too good a ground. We think, however, that until the English people ask Government for official auditors, such officials should not be appointed.-BETA.

Is our commercial morality then sunk so low? Is integrity so rare a virtue in our public mercantile men? Have the people, whose word was formerly as good as their bond, degenerated so far that censors must watch over their actions, and the lash of the law be required to confine them to the path of rectitude? Such are the ideas suggested by this month's Topic. But instead of following this train of thought, let us consider the utility of the plan proposed. Will it afford greater security to public bodies against embezzlement by their employés, or will it protect the public more efficiently against the dishonest schemes of any such bodies themselves? If so, the commercial community would, we have little doubt, be glad to avail themselves of its assistance; none are more desirous than they to protect their interests, and they are equally concerned with the general public to expose the black sheep that may exist among them. But if, as we believe, novelty is its only recommendation,-if it offers no better means of attaining the end in view than is already possessed, it is likely to lull into a false security, and ought certainly to be rejected. We do not see what powers of penetration Government officials can possess beyond private individuals, or how they are better proof against false books and forged documents. As a preventive of fraud, the plan can effect little. The dread which some may suppose an annual inspection of accounts by a Government auditor should inspire, could have little influence upon any defauiter who runs the risk of detection through other means during the rest of the year. Even as a plan for discovering embezzlement it seems no better. The examination of any recent systematic fraud upon a public company by

its official will show that the plan adopted by the culprit was the result of a perfect knowledge of the system pursued in the establishment, which he must have studied for his purpose, and detected a- perhaps its only weak point. When such fraudulent practices are continued for years without exciting the suspicion of other officials, and when balances are made and published too, and then the discovery happens quite accidentally, what likelihood is there of good resulting from the visits few and far between of an auditor who comes to certify all to be right, not surely with the expectation

of finding anything wrong? With respect to the imposition practised on the public by rotten companies, it could do no service. These keep their accounts right enough, but their debtors are men of straw, and their assets consequently visions. Let directors be responsible for reports published by them, and severely punishable if they misrepresent anything, and let the public insist on regular reports; let defaulting officials be more smartly dealt with, and no tickets of leave in future thrust into their hands, then we shall more rarely hear of flagrant breaches of trust.

The Societies' Section.

THE LITERARY SOCIETIES OF DUBLIN.

IT is unfortunate that no authentic history of Ireland previous to the eighteenth century exists, through the pages of which might be traced the early dawn and spread of education, as a system, among the inhabitants of the large towns in the provinces, and more especially of the metropolis itself. That educational pursuits engaged the attention of our ancestors at a very early period, and that literary institutions of some kind existed, not only in Dublin, but throughout the country, more than two centuries ago, seems perfectly plain from the records which have reached us, mutilated and one-sided though they be. The founding of Trinity College in Dublin, under a charter from Queen Elizabeth, in 1591, and its opening for the instruction of students in 1593, seems, however, to afford us the only reliable starting-point from which to date the formation of anything approaching the character of a literary institution in our city. Within the precincts of "Trinity" learning was cultivated, and a taste fostered among the upper classes of the community, which, in the year 1622, induced the Roman Catholic inhabitants of the city to

establish a university of their own, in
the classic neighbourhood of Back Lane.
This rival institution, however, was but
short-lived; for, in 1632, we find it
was closed by order of the Government,
and its premises granted to Trinity
College. From that time till the year
1731 we cannot find traces of any
literary institution in Dublin distinct
from "Trinity;" but on the 23rd of
June in that year, "The Royal Dublin
Society" was founded. This is the
oldest institution of the kind in the
three kingdoms. It was incorporated
by royal charter on the 2nd of April,
1750, upwards of a century ago
though in strictness not perhaps en-
titled to rank among the " literary"
societies of our city,-for it was estab-
lished at first "to promote husbandry
and other useful arts and sciences in
Ireland," its field of operations has
been so much extended of late years,
that we feel justified in placing "The
Royal Dublin Society" in the place of
bonour in this paper. For a long time
atter its incorporation a grant of £500
a year was made to its funds from the
privy purse; and up to the present time,
a special amount is annually allocated

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to its nse out of the national fund. It occupies a very prominent position among the literary and scientific institutions of the country, and enjoys no mean repute in the world at large. The crowned head of England for the time being is its patron, and the Viceroy of Ireland its president. Under its auspices meetings are held monthly, and, at periods of the year, weekly, for the discussion of subjects connected with practical science and art; and lectures (free) by paid professors are delivered, from time to time, on natural philosophy, natural science, chemistry, &c. Attached to the society is a magnificent library of upwards of 27,000 volumes; and also an agricultural and a natural history museum, all open to the public. The botanical gardens at Glasnevin also belong to the same body. During the two visits of the members of "The British Association" to Dublin, this society acted the part of their host, and its rooms formed the arena for their many interesting meetings. The members are elected by ballot, and pay an entrance fee of £3 3s., and an annual subscription of £2 2s. Life members pay one sum of £21. On the roll of this society are men whose names are household words in the paths of literature, science, and art.

The next society which we notice is "The Royal Irish Academy," founded and incorporated on the 28th of January, 1786, "for promoting the study of science, polite literature, and antiquities." The operations of this institution have been most valuable in collecting and epitomizing much interesting and important information with regard to ancient Irish learning and art; and not the least important result of its labours is the formation of a museum of Irish antiquities, w ich, under the able direction of Surgeon Wilde, has lately been catalogued and intelligently classified. Meetings are held in connection with the institute from time to time, at which papers bearing upon matters in the peculiar province of the academy are read and discussed, and such of them

as are deemed worthy are published in the proceedings. Many of these papers have formed most valuable additions to our national literature, and have awakened in the minds of the general public a great desire to still further investigate the long-buried treasures, literary and artistic, of our native land. The academy" ranks among its members many well-known talented men, of whom we shall but mention Dr. Petrie, the exponent of the Round Tower mystery, and Eugene Curry, the celebrated Irish scholar.

Passing over The Geological Society" and "The Dublin Natural History Society," which are both founded for specific branches of knowledge suggested by their name, we meet "The Dublin Statistical Society," which is of comparatively recent birtn, but has succeeded thus early in gaining a good position in our city. Just at present its attention seems to be energetically devoted to the amelioration of the condition of the bakers of the metropolis. Many of its members are sincere and well-known philanthropists, who have succeeded in investing a page or two of figures with an interest for the public mind altogether unknown some years back. Its meetings are open to the public, and many of the papers read at them treat of highly important topics intimately connected with the social prosperity of our country.

In the precincts of "old Trinity" two institutions flourish, which we may briefly glance at. One is "The College Historical Society," and the other," The University Philosophical Society." The former is rather a noted institution in the annals of our city; for in troublesome times, before the Union, it was the nursery in which rebellious sentiments were first enunciated by many an after well-known individual. Occasionally its proceedings appear to have gone beyond the limits of either law or order; for, in 1794, we find its doors were closed for a considerable time by the authorities of the college. At the meetings of this society, many of Ireland's most cele

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