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the meanest of my countrymen, that some few individuals, in the great mass of our population, imagine, that the arrival and success of the French would put an end to all their toils, to all their cares, and to all their burthens. Gentlemen, if any person of that description now stands before me, if there yet remain any so perfectly infatuated, after the dire warnings they have received, I do beg, I do conjure them most earnestly to consider what has been the melancholy lot of those unfortunate countries which have fallen victims either to the arms or to the artifice of our enemies. Oh! Gentlemen, could we summon to our bar, at this awful moment, the poor miserable, half-starved, and devoted inhabitants of Italy, Switzerland, and Holland; could we put to them this simple question, 'Whether in trampling upon the rights of their superiors, the French army had respected theirs!' depend upon it, to this plain question we should receive a general, an affecting, a tremendous negative: they would tell us, that they experienced neither safety nor protection, either in respect to their property or their persons; they would tell us, that owing to French plunder, to the want of work, to the want of encouragement to industry; they were steeped in poverty to the very lips; and that, preferring exile to scenes so dreadful and so disgusting, they were preparing to fly to the utmost extremities of the earth, from so cruel, so abominable, and so incomprehensible a change.”—Mr. Fawkes Soncluded with seconding the Address.

Mr. LASCELLES. This country having already, as I cunceive, expressed its unanimous opinion of the justice and necessity of the war, in which we have been reluctantly compelled to engage, I should deem it a waste of your time to enter at large into the transactions between this country and France, subsequent to the Treaty of Amiens, Although doubts may

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have occurred upon particular points, the country had admitted, that, upon the whole, there was such a clear evidence of views of aggression and hostility on the part of France, as to justify our going to war. I consider the conduct of France, since the treaty of Amiens, to the renewal of hostilities, as one continual series of insult and aggression. Circumstances repeatedly occurred during that period, which in ordinary times would, separately, have been considered as declarations of I do not blame the spirit of forbearance, which, under all the circumstances of the country, actuated our councils; but, beyond a certain point, forbearance, degenerates into cowardice. When once a country, which has ranked high among the powers of Europe, feels itself degraded by the adoption of a weak and timid policy, from that period may be dated the commencement of its downfall. Circumstanced as we are at present, it behoves us therefore to look forward with steadiness to the dangers which threaten us. The Chief Consul has announced his determination to invade this country; the obsequious and blasphemous addresses extorted from the suffering people of France, appear to encourage him to the attempt. However disgusted they may be with the violence and tyranny of their ruler, yet I am persuaded, that stimulated as they are by every sort of artifice, what they would not undertakę from attachment to their own Government, they would readily undertake in the hope of plunder. This leads me to combat what I consider a most dangerous prejudice, too generally entertained by the people of this country, namely, the impracticability of invasion. Such an opiinion is calculated to lull the people into a state of false security, and to afford to the indolent a plausible pretence for inactivity. But, be assured, an invasion, however difficult, is by no means impracticable.

practicable. I value, as much as any man, the skill and bravery of our navy; but when we take into contemplation the vast extent of coast occupied by the enemy: their immense armies, their alacrity, and, above all, their rooted hatred and animosity to this country, there is every reason to conclude the attempt will be made; circumstances, over which we can have no controu!, may so far favour the enemy, as to admit of his reaching our shores. I do not contemplate even this event with despondency, but it behoves every man to rouse himself from a state of false security, and bring his mind to bear upon the utmost consequences of the dangers which threaten this country; in order that he may be prepared to resist, defeat, and that in the most speedy and exemplary manner, the most bloody and insatiable enemy with which this country had ever to contend. Whatever may have been the melancholy fate of other countries over which the intregues or arms of France have prevailed; whatever may have been the outrages and violence to which the defenceless inhabitants may have been exposed, they may be deemed trifling, in comparison to those we must be prepared to experience, should the enemy be permitted to advance into the country. What mercy is to be expected from the man, who not only ordered, but was an exulting eye-witness of the murder of 3,800 defenceless prisoners? What mitigation from the horrors of war, is to be looked for from the man who barbarously ordered to be poisoned 580 of his soldiers, disabled fighting under his command ? These are facts known to many of our brave countrymen, who so gloriously defeated, and ultimately expelled the French armies with disgrace from Egypt. I wish to rouse my fellow countrymen to a sense of what they may expect if the French were among them; and to impress upon them the necessity of their coming for

ward to defend themselves, their families, and property, from the murders, violations, plundering and devastation that attend upon, and mark the progress of the French arms. The deluded inhabitants of some countries have been taught to believe, that to relinquish their independence without a struggle, would be the means of securing to them at least some favour from the enemy; but instead of mercy, acts of humanity have been denied them. They have been wantonly massacred, their property plundered, their wives and daughters violated before their eyes, and their country left a prey to a merciless banditti. Do not let us deceive ourselves; the time is come when the voice of the country calls imperiously upon every man to stand forward, cheerfully and vigorously in its defence. Every day, nay, every hour, is of consequence. We have the means of effectual defence within ourselves; let every man who has a heart to defend his property, his family, his country, and every thing dear to him, step forward at this important crisis, with a voluntary offer of his services to repel an invading enemy. We must either defeat his projects, or we must fall a prey to his merciless ambition and cruelty. There never was a moment which called more loudly for unanimity and exertion than the present. If the Country be true to itself, and I verily believe it will prove itself So, the enemy must be hardy indeed, should he make the attempt at invasion; but even should he succeed in eluding the vigilance of our fleets and cruizers, and effect a landing, I think with such a disposition, supported by active exertions, we may look forward with confidence to success, and to the total defeat and disgrace of his armies. If I may be allowed to anticipate the feelings of the people of all descriptions of this great county, I think I may look for unanimity upon the present oc

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casion. In giving assurances to His Majesty of our cordial support and co-operation, I trust, we all feel impressed with the same sense of the awful importance of the engagement; that we do not consider these assurances as formal words of ceremony or custom, but as a solemn pledge on behalf of ourselves and the county, that we feel to the fullest extent the real difficulties and dangers of our situation; the arduous struggle which this country is compelled to endure; and the sacrifices which the unexampled circumstances of the times render indispensably necessary for the public safety. With such sentiments, assisted by prompt and vigorous exertions, we may bid defiance to our enemies. The time which remains to us for preparation may be short, let us therefore employ it with effect, as upon that may depend the future destiny of England and the world.

Mr. STANHOPE.-I had no doubt that upon your summons to call us all here together on this day, to consider on the conduct that becomes this great county, to hold in the present perilous crisis of our country, I had not the smallest doubt but you would be attended by a very numerous and very respectable meeting; but one so numerous, so highly respectable as the present, has as much exceeded my expectations, as it gives comfort and satisfaction to my heart. When I signed my name to the requisition that was sent to you, from Leeds, I I did it under the impression that the feelings of the country were not suffici, ently awakened; that they were not enough apprised of the danger, the immediate, pressing, actual, and hourly danger of an invasion of this island, with such a force as was never before drawn up against it, What has since passed in the senate, in the metropolis, and in almost every part of the kingdom, must have awakened and roused it as with the

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shrill call of the trumpet, when it sounds every man to arms. It is therefore the more satisfactory to see so large a meeting, because I am sure there is not a man that hears me, who thinks, that in holding up his hand for the Address, that has been so ably moved and seconded, he is holding it up to a common address at the beginning of a common war; that he will have nothing further to do but to meet a roomful of his neighbours to dinner; to drink "the King's health,” "the Wooden Walls of Old England with three. times three;" to join the chorus of "Rule Britannia," and to pay his taxes with as little grumbling as may be.-No, Sir!we by this address publicly and solemnly, before God and our country, pledge our fortunes, persons, and lives, in defence of our Sovereign and all the blessings of our glorious Constitution. There is not a inan that hears me, I a persuaded, who is not prompt and eager to redeem that pledge; there is not, there cannot be, a man here who would leave. undefended our good, tried, and brave old King in the hour of danger.-No, Sir !--we need now no warning voice; no string of eloquence; no thoughts that heat, and words that burn, are necessary to raise a host of hardy men, when the King, the Parliament, and the Country is in distress. Call out to YORKSHIREMEN, "Come forth to battle”—our answer will be, one and all, "We are ready---shew us the enemy—lead on.”—Sir, that enemy is not far off; a very numerous, well-appointed,, ably commanded army, to whom is pro-, mised the plunder of England, are now hovering round, and part of them in daily, sight of the promised land. They view it like so many famished wolves, cruel as death and hungry as the grave, panting for an opportunity, at any risk, to come into our sheepfold;-but, if they should, is it not cur business, our first duty, to have such a guard of our faithful English

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Mastiffs, of the old breed, as shall make them quickly repent of their temerity. The Chief Consul of France tells us, that we are but a nation of Shopkeepers; let us Shopkeepers then melt our weights in our scales, and return him the compliment in bullets. Sir, we may have a firm reliance on the exertions of as gallant a Fleet as ever sailed; but that fleet cannot perform impossibilities; it cannot be in two places at once; it cannot conquer the winds and subdue the storms: though our old Tubs can do much, they cannot do every thing; and it would be unsafe and dastardly to lye skulking behind them. With the blessing of God, and a good cause, we can do wonders; but if we depend upon our naval prowess only, we have much to fear. No, Sir!-England will never be perfectly safe, until she can defend herself, as well by land as by sea; until she can defy the haughty foe, if there was even a bridge between Calais and Dover, and that bridge in possession of the enemy; till she can say in the language of a good English boxing match, "a fair field and no favour;" or in the language of Macduff in the play, "within our swords' length set him, if he escape, then heaven forgive him," all his lies, his blasphemies, and his murders. Mr. Stanhope then took notice of the various characters Bonaparte had assumed; his treatment to the Turkish prisoners, and to his own wounded soldiers in Egypt; and last of all, the slow lingering death in the vapour of a damp dungeon, of the gallant black chief Toussaint, whom he treated with villainy, kidnapped, and miserably destroyed.

Mr. WRIGHTSON, in a short, but energetic speech, highly recommended that spirit of unanimity which appeared among his fellow countrymen; that spirit of true British liberty which would be fully able to repel the Invader. He said, that after the eloquence and abilities

which had been displayed by the gentlemen who had already spoken on the occasion, it would be vain in him to trouble the Meeting any further, than by giving his most sincere and hearty sanction to the present address in support of our King and Country.

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Mr. TIKELL, of Barningham-Hall, near Greta-Bridge, after stating the disadvantages which he laboured under in addressing the Meeting, after that display of eloquence which they had just heard, observed, that nothing but a sense of that duty he owed to his Country and himself at this most important period, could have called forth any talents which he possessed; but feeling as he did, the arduous contest in which we were soon to be engaged, he asserted it to be the sacred duty of every Englishman, to step forward in whatever way he should consider himself of any use to his Country. Mr. T. then stated the purpose for which the meeting was called; namely, to Address his Majesty, and pledge themselves, that with hand and heart they would join to defeat the ambitious projects of an inveterate enemy, against the very existence of our Country. After expressing his belief in the loyalty and courage of Britons, he said, "Our Liberties, our Constitution, our National Independence have been menaced; and he that will meanly skulk behind the common danger,-he that will not shed his blood in such a cause, must either be a traitor, or stand confessed as a wretch whose soul was never animated by a single spark of that pure flame which led our ancestors to glory.—If such a wretch there be, may he sink into oblivion.-If such a traitor lives among us→→ may his fate be proportioned to his crime;

may he enjoy the object of his wishes;

may he taste the baneful fruits of the tree of Gallic liberty-may its poisonous juice corrode his very heart-and its accursed venom dry up the springs of life;

--may

may he wither like the oak that is blasted by lightning, and like it, be a proof to the world, that the thunders of heaven roll not in vain.-France, since the commencement of her revolution, has appeared in the world like a great conflagration. It is to quench that fire that we are now called upon, which threatens to consume in its progress the whole civilized world; or that we are basely to submit till we behold the fair fabric of our Constitution tottering to its foundation. It is to decide the great question of Liberty or Slavery:It is to decide whether we will preserve that which our ancestors have handed down to us as a sacred deposit, or servilely give it up to French Ambition.-No!-let us convince them that we will not; let us rush on; let us strike some blow that may spread a terror to the whole of France, and shake the very throne of her usurper; let us convince France that she is not invulnerable; let us by our example, arouse the lost spirit of Europe, and lead them on the way that will pull down this Colossal Statue :— let us not forget the character of our enemy, of him who under the specious guise of a popular title, has usurped the diadem of France, and has assumed the Royal Purple, stained with the blood of his murdered Sovereign:-for be assured, he stands prepared to hurl the torch of discord on our shores.-Let us not only raise our shield to award off the blow, but draw our sword to avenge the insult that is offered; and let us rather perish amidst the ruins of our constitution, than live under the polluting air of slavery.

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critical circumstances of the country, that the Freeholders of this great county were deeply impressed with a sense of the danger which now threatened us, but that they felt themselves bound also to declare their firm determination to stand forth with becoming resolution, in defence of their King, their Constitution, and their Country. This was no ordinary occasion, nor the war in which we were now engaged, a common war; war was always an evil; but the present, dangerous beyond all in former example. We have to contend, not for some distant possession of the value of which persons might entertain different opinions; not for some dubious point of honour, or for some real but secondary interest, but for the very body and substance of our Island ;—not for the foliage or even the branches, but even for the very trunk of that British oak; that oak, so different in all respects from the tree of liberty of which the Gentleman before him had spoken; that oak, beneath which a grateful and a happy people had so long sheltered, and under which the distressed of other coun tries had often found a refuge, when driven to seek protection from the stormy blasts in their own less happy land.--Let us consider the crisis-We live in times teeming with events of such prodigious magnitude, that they seem to laugh to scorn all that we used to call important in our former history. Let us not deceive ourselves. It is no petty danger that threatens us; it is great beyond all precedent: I would not hide from you our situation-I trust you are not of that wretched race of beings who would seek consolation by concealing from themselves their real danger; but, that like Britons you will look it in the face. Yet while on the one hand I state that your dangers are thus great and numerous, yet on the other, I trust I am not deceived in declaring, that, under the

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