actuated by a proper spirit, and that his of the human character there might be, country was perfectly secure. counter. He disclaimed the use of any delusion: It was an art too contemptible to resort to. He would not, therefore, dissemble to them his sense of the amount of the danger they had to enIt could not be denied that we were now exposed to means of destruction the greatest the world had ever witnessed---animated by a spirit of the fiercest malignity, and guided by the most consummate skill. We had to do with an enemy, who combined all the craft of policy with the most exalted military talent---an enemy, whose inveteracy against us is inflamed by the consideration that this is the only country which stands between him and, the establishment of universal tyranny. (applauses). He would not suffer it to be told, that men, such as he then had the honour to address, could be intimidated by a full description of the dangers which menaced the country. They who could be frightened by a mere view of the difficulties they were called upon to surmount, were unworthy to come forward in defence of their country. They were cowards, and fit to be slaves. They were in fact already half conquered, and he would add, that they deserved to be conquered. They were pusillanimous and mean, and prepared to bend to a foreign yoke. (applause). In calling their attention to the public danger, it could not be supposed that it was his wish to damp their ardour, or to lower their fortitude; on the contrary, it was his desire and his hope that it should operate to rouse their indignation and their courage ; that it would make them contemplate the security of their native land with 'increased solicitude, and cling to its interests with increased affection. It was perfectly true, that from the variety VOL. I. F even at present, in this country, as indeed were to be found in all countries, men incapable of seeing danger in its true light, men actuated by a thoughtless fearlessness; but this was not the description of feeling which he wished to encourage, or upon which the country could safely rely. To make the danger known to its fullest extent was the most effectual way to produce and to ascertain the real courage upon which it would be prudent to calculate. He cautioned the company against attending to those who were forward to recommend so much confidence in the protection of our navy, or those who were so sanguine in their hopes from the mediation of any foreign Court, He deprecated such insinuations, as calculated to furnish apologies for inactivity, to produce a line of conduct unworthy of men who valued liberty. To propagate such expectations of security would be to give a pretext to the timid, and palliation to the treacherous. It would be, in fact, to form a compromise with that cowardice which would be fatal to a great nation; for it would be as absurd to suppose that heavy bodies would not sink, or that light bodies would not swim, as that a nation could be safe without being brave. (Loud applauses.) Should it be said, he asked, that 500,000 armed men would be capable of a dastardly calculation upon any fleet, or any fo reign power for their safety; or would not such gallant men be rather anxious to share the danger and the glory of our countrymen on the ocean; and that if the armies of the enemy should not venture to come to our shores to con tend with us, we should pursue them to their own, and make them feel the effects of our just revenge (applauses)? He contended that it was ridiculous to suppose suppose we should not be able to annoy the enemy on his own coast, if the spirit of the country were equal to its means, and of the advancement of that spirit he entertained no doubt whatever. The view that was then before him encouraged the most confident expectation. He recurred to the hopes that were held out, as to the interference of foreign powers in our favour, and commented on the motive and tendency of such insinuations. He condemned them strongly as a gross insult to the pride and consequence of the country, independently of the other effects which he had already described. What, was it to be endured, that a nation which had so often fought the battles of Europe, which had so often signalized itself in the contest for human liberty, should now be led to fook for its safety in the caprice of any foreign Cabinet, or to seek its escape from hostility in the interposition of Courts, which are so often swayed by the insinuations of a valet de chambre, or the influence of a prostitute? (Applause.) God forbid it! We shall prevent it. That we should indulge such dependent ideas would be degrading to our character, would be inconsistent with our naturé. Let us not look abroad for our safety, least it should diminish our exertions at home to secure it. Let us rely on none but ourselves for security, and then we could not be disappointed. It was not fit to conceal the nature of our situation---it was dangerous, but it was pregnant with the highest honour. We were placed as the guardians, the only remaining guardians of human liberty. The sacred trust was committed to our care, and Englishmen seemed chosen by Providence as the persons best qualified to defend this inestimable right. In order to discharge the duty which be This longed to them, however, he pointed out the necessity of practising the highest virtues. Their present situation particularly required it. Every man should go to the battle with a dignified elevation of feeling suited to the occa sion, with a resolution to return victorious, or to return no more. (Applauses). It was with pride and pleasure he observed the appearance of this resolution among his countrymen. Indeed the spectacle of unanimity which the whole nation ex hibited was matter of consolation not only to Englishmen, but to all the friends of mankind, for he had the satisfaction of recently hearing the sen timents of foreigners upon this subject. They spoke of our public spirit with an enthusiasm much beyond any thing felt among ourselves, as objects which are familiar to the imagination are not apt to excite so much surprise. unanimity was not new nor wonderful to us, considering the peculiar circumstances in which we are placed. It was impossible, indeed, that discord could be encouraged, not only from any honest motive, but from any honest pretext, for if therewere any persons in this country who disapproved of our Government, because it was not suffi ciently democratic, and wished, therefore, for a change favourable to their principles, they could not surely suppose that Bonaparte was a patron of democracy. The Government of this country was in reality the only Government in Europe which tolerated democratie principles, which fostered the sentiments of freedom, or was subject to the influence of popular opinion. If, therefore, this Government should be destroyed, which God forbid, and which we will forbid, (applauses) the the hope of human happiness would be extinguished, every vestige of liberty would "would be gone, and a military tyranny would overwhelm Europe. To guard and preserve liberty then, England was now most forcibly called upon. If any man could be so stupid as to suppose, that Bonaparte would tolerate a liberal system of goverment in this country--one by any means comparable to that which now prevails, he would advise such a man to reflect but a moment on the conduct which the First Consul had pursued towards all the countries which have submitted to his authority, or confided in his assurances. From this review, a conviction must arise in the mind, that no one could second the views of the enemy---could shrink from the most active endeavours to oppose him, but a coward, a robber, a mercenary or a parasite; a coward who would decline to fight through fear of danger--- a robber, who looks for the spoils of his neighbour, or is actuated by an unnatural, impious hatred of his own country---a mercenary, who has basely accepted the bribe of the enemy ---or a parasite, who wishes to concili tate his favour; no other motive could be well conceived for such a conduct, unless indeed that perversion of understanding which borders on insanity. Such characters, he trusted, were not numerous in this country, The unanimity which prevailed throughout the whole empire rendered it imposible to think so. To this unanimity there was indeed, an exception, but one not very honourable to the enemy. The-murderers of Lord Kilwarden were the only allies that he could boast among us. Those sanguinary wretches, who had fully betrayed the atrocity of their characters, by selecting a defenceless and pacific Magistrate as the first victim of their designs, and as it were for no other purpose than that of forewarning their country of what it had to expect from F2 their barbarous ferocity---such assasins were, he hoped, the only friends which the enemy had in the British Empire. It was remarkable that Great Britain had, at two of the most critical and glorious periods of its existence, to contend with a faction in Ireland favourable to the views of the enemy: when attacked by Philip the IId. and at the memorable Revolution of 1688. At each time Britain was victorious, and Ireland was saved; its tranquillity was re-established. Twice, then, was Ireland rescued from the agents of a foreign enemy by the efforts of this country. Twice was it brought back to the community with England, and now again, he trusted, that Great Britain would restore Ireland. to peace and security, and would preserve it from the horrible yoke to which a faction was struggling to reduce it. In order to aid in this important object, in conjunction with the others he had already alluded to, respecting their own liberty and safety, he conjured his countrymen to come forward, and hoped that none would take up arms, who did not seriously look to the event of their services in the field being actually called for, and who were not prepared to meet the contest with vigour and resolution ; that they would not offer themselves merely from a love of bustle and parade, from a wish for the display of holiday soldiers---but that they would determine to encounter all the difficulties of war, if necessary---to expose their lives to all its dangers. (yes we will, resounded from every part of the room). Consider, added the learned Gentleman, the high objects you have in view, and the im portant duties you have to perform. The rights of mankind are committed to your care; the dignity and existence of your country are at stake, and men who in such a cause could be lukewarm, or faint-hearted, would be unworthy to per. perform the sacred duties of the religion of patriotism---to aspire to the honour of martyrdom---to offer up their lives at the altar of their country. If any such appear, let them be told that they are not deserving of a place in your ranks, He that does not look for a glorious death, or even desire it; who does not feel his mind equal to the occasion, should pause before he enrols his name among you, I am confident that none such can be found among my countrymen. This confidence arises from the recollection that I am addressing Scotchmen, the descendants of a Bruce and a Wallace, the natives of a country which was never subdued, but who entered vo luntarily into a union with this great nation, which I trust will last for ever. As indissoluble may that be which has lately taken place with Ireland! I be lieve that this is a sentiment in which every honest man, whether Englishman, Irishman, or Scotchman, will heartily concur; that they will wish permanence and stability to that noble union which was consummated on the plains of Egypt and Syria, where each mation was represented by her hero; when Sir Ralph Abercrombie was seconded by Lord Hutchinson and aided by Sir Sidney Smith; an union which, we are all, I trust, ready to ratify by our valour and seal with our blood. Countrymen, I feel that I am authorised by your hearts to make this solemn pledge. I swear by the immortal spirit of Bruce and of Wallace: I swear by the glorious memory of all the heroes who have fallen for the cause and honour of Britain: I swear by the God of Justice and Liberty himself, whose holy name I cannot be thought to prophane by employing it on so sacred an occasion, that you, my countrymen, would rather seek liberty in the grave, than endure a wretched existence with the hideous spectacle of foreign tyranny erected in a country which Liberty has so long cho. sen as her favourite abode. (This sentiment was followed by peals of ap◄ plause.) Globe. SPEECH of the Rev, GERRARD ANDREWS, Rector of St. James's, Westminster, at a meeting of the Inhabitants of that parish, held at Willis's Rooms, on the 11th of August, for the purpose of forming & Volunteer Corps under the Defence. Acts. "PLACED, as I am, in one of the most important of all stations, that of your Parish Minister, I think I should appear luke-warm in the cause which it is my indispensible duty to serve, did not I exhort you to a most cheerful discharge of your duty at this singular crisis; I enter not into political discussions, for I do not understand them--and if I did, they would ill become me; I say nothing of the enemy with whom you will probably have to engage, for it is needless---we meet with none like him in the annals of universal history; but I most earnestly recommend to you, upon all occasions, energy, activity, prompt obedience, steady perseverance, and that cool intrepidity which best distinguishes a Christian Soldier, and which particularly belongs to men who are consci ous that they are discharging their dutÿ to God, by a strict adherence to that heavenly law which commands us to do unto others as we wish them to do unto us: a law, which I conceive to be most evidently violated by every man who refuses to give that aid and support to his King, his country, his wife, his children, his friends, and fellow subjects, which in the hour of his own necessity, he would expect to receive from them. Believe me, every man is concerned in this contest; the lowest individual is interested, for that share of the prosperity of this country to which the poor are by law entitled, would, if once we were a conquered nation, vanish in an instant; not an hospital, not an infirmary, not a charity school would remain; the aged and the sick would be left to perish as they might, and the young left untaught, or rather be trained in every kind of evil (arising from a want of religious principles) to become the future scourges of the world. With an humble confidence, therefore, in that Almighty Being who has never deserted the people of this happy land in the time of their distress, let us go forth, not rashly, but chearfully and resolutely, against our boasting foe. Even in the hour of extreme distress (should it arrive) let us Never DESPAIR!---It is a word unknown to Britons------it is a conduct which, to a Christian, is expressly forbidden, and we (thanks be to God) are both. As such let nothing deter us from the faithful discharge of our duty, but on every occasion, and in every situation in life, and in death (if death should be our lot) let us remain true to our Country, true to our King (than whom a better never existed) and faithful to our God." Morning Advertiser. Substance of the SPEECH of LORD MOIRA, on the 8th of March, 1803, in the Debates for addressing his Majesty on the Message concerning military preparations in the ports of France and Holland. HIS Lordship commenced by observing that he could not simply give a silent acquiescence to a motion like the present. The more he considered the inordinate ambition which the First Consul of the French Republic had uniformly displayed, the more was he men. convinced that nothing was to be ef fected by a pusillanimous forbearance on the part of this country. Whatever some noble Lords may think of the respect that ought to be shewn to the Chief Magistrate of a neighbouring nation, with which we were at peace, he did not consider this at least to be a time for the language of complaisance and courtesy. We had too long seen the insolence and aggression with which this country had been uniformly treated. We saw hostile preparations on all that extent of coast with which we were in a great measure surrounded. Our enemy, for we would not now hesitate to bestow that apellation on the First Consul, had presumed to threaten Great Britain with an army of 500,000 He had further the vanity and audacity to boast, that this country was no longer able to contend single-handed against France. He, on the other hand, trusted that the answer to this insolent representation would be a proof that this united realm was able, in a just cause, to contend against the world in arms. What, he asked, must be the feelings of their Lordships, as well as of all the inhabitants of this country, if insults of that kind were to be received without resentment? France had already experienced, at the hands of some of our naval and military leaders, some of who he had the pleasure of seeing then in their places, (Lords Nelson and Hutchinson, who were present, were supposed to be here alluded to) that England was never so much to be dreaded, as when single-handed, and left to its own native and valorous exertions. It was still able to shew itself equal to every emergency, and, perhaps, inexhaustible in all its resources. We had still the same gallant Officers and troops, whose services had already achieved so many laurels for their oun |