country. The spirit of the country was still unbroken, and, notwithstand ing any recent circumstances, he was satisfied there remained very little, if any dissatisfaction in the nation. It was idle to disguise our situation, at a time when we were likely to contend, not for the honour only, but for the existence of the country. Those were mistaken who supposed that this country was secured against that invasion which our enemy was evidently meditating; secure, indeed, we were in some respects on that head, with any view of subjugation, the very contemp‐ lation of which would be too humiliating; but let no man deceive hinself with the idea that an invasion of this country was not to be effected. He made little doubt that we should have to fight the enenry upon the soil of England, and we should, therefore, be ready to meet any such event. The first object of the invaders would, unquestionably, be to push for the capital. In that case, the General opposed to them ought, in his opinion, to forfeit his head if he suffered the enemy to advance from the coast without giving him battle. The government and the nation had a right to consider any troops so stationed as a fortification, or an out-work between the metropolis and its invaders, Such a project would, no doubt, be a desperate one on the part of the French Republic, - but that, in all probability, would be no great object to Bonaparte. Not a man of the invading army, would, probably, ever return to his native country. But the First Consul, careless of that, calculated between the destruction of a number of Frenchmen and the confusion which an event of that kind might be capable of ́produoing in Great Britain. It was, however, long since manifested to France, and

to all Europe, that England had, by reiterated aggressions, been forced into this struggle, which it could not de cline without dishonour. He wished, the language of his Majesty's Ministers to have been more energetic, in order that it may appear as somewhat in the light of an appeal to the French people, whether they would consent to be again involved in all the horrors of war, and suffer the world to be again deluged with blood, merely to gratify the restless and turbulent spirit of an inordinately ambitious and implacable individual.

With respect to Bonaparte himself, his views could not be mistaken;. all the opposite shores resounded with the din of preparation. His ha❤ tred to England was implacable and persevering. He has afforded too many proofs of his daring and enterprising spirit to admit a doubt of his attempting to execute any thing, however arduous or desperate, which he was resolved upon, and by that enterprising genius had more than once succeeded in accomplishing objects and atchieve. ments which to ordinary men might seem impracucable. Against a man of that description, who had so frequently and felicitously for his views left every thing to fortune, with dominions vastly extended, and at the head of one of the most powerful nations that ever existed in the world, England had tə rely on its own resources, its intrepi、 dity, and the tried valour of its warriors. It should now, to use the language of Shakespeare,

"Be stirring as the time; be fired with fire; Threaten the threat 'ner, and outface the brow

Of bragging horror; so shall inferior eyes, That borrow their behaviour from the

great,

Grow great by your example, and put on The dauntless spirit of Resolution.”

Suck

Such should now be the conduct of this country, The proud pretensions of the enemy had left---had removed the veil, and let us see what we have to expect from a demeanor of forbearance. Fortunately these encroachments and aggressions were not long in revealing themselves, and were now felt and every where displayed. He knew not what might be the nature of the negociations alluded to in his Majesty's Message, but that was of the less consequence when he could conceive no symptoms of a pacific disposition on the part of the French Government. It was time to arouse the nation to its proper bent, and to an exertion of all its resources. We should say to France in the terms which one manly Englishman would say to another; "It is my wish to remain with you on terms of friendship and tranquillity; but here are the limits upon which that amity depends. Beyond this spot you are not to set your foot; if you attempt it, the alternative is war." That alternative, though we might wish to avoid it, he saw no reason to dread, and though the terms of the Address might not include all that he could wish for, he was happy to be one of the foremost in giving his most cordial support to the present Motion.

RESOLUTIONS

Of the Inhabitants of the Parish of St. MARY, LAMBETH, held at the Royal Oak, Vauxhall, July 26th,

1803.

Resolved,

"THAT it appears to this Meeting, that the First Consul of France, having enslaved the people whom he undertook to set free, and plundered and subjugated all orders of the inhabitants, rich and poor, of Holland, Switzerland, and Italy, under the most solemn assurances of fraternity and friendship, is

now determined on the Invasion of this United Kingdom, and is making the most formidable preparations for that purpose.

"That although this Meeting agree with Bonaparte himself, that the success of such an undertaking is highly improbable, and that he must sacrifice army after army, if he persevere in the attempt, yet the threat having been denounced, nothing can sustain the honour of our country, but the most energetic and universal exertion. It is not enough for our reputation, that his success should be improbable, it ought by the numbers and gallantry of our Volunteers, under the blessings of Divine Providence, to be rendered impossible. By such a conduct only can this nation continue to enjoy tranquillity, and have a disposable force in the hands of Government for offensive operations, and share the glory of avenging the wrongs of Europe, against the destroyer of its liberty, its happiness, and its honour.

བ ོན་

"That this Meeting, in thus calling upon its fellow-citizens to arm, hope they shall be excused for reminding them, they are invited to come forward in defence of the happiest and wisest Constitution known to the world; in defence of a Sovereign, who, for a period of more than forty years, has shewn himself to be the father of all those who have the happiness to liye under the British Government. In da fending objects' thus sacred and dear, we deplore that our country is called upon to encounter a people with whom England wishes to live in amity, but who, unhappily for themselves and the civilized world, have submitted to the degradation of being made subservient to the aggrandisement and ambition of one man, an obscure Corsican, who began his murderous career with turn

ing

BONAPARTE'S CONFESSION

OF THE

MASSACRE OF JAFFA.

EUROPE might, with great reason, rely on the assertions of Mr. Morier*, Sir Robert Wilson and Dr. Wittman, respecting the Massacre of Jaffa. The minute particulars, the undaunted frankness, and the solemn challenge of contradiction, which Sir Robert has given to the world, claim the highest respect, not for his veracity, for that is not to be doubted, but for the responsibility he evidently feels himself liable to in bringing forward the Charge; the extreme temperateness of Dr. Wittman's language, and the tenor of his expressions manifest his veneration for truth, and repugnance to hasty reports;after all, is it not of the highest importance to consult Bonaparte himself, who so well knows whether, and in what degree, the story be true?

but

Certainly it is; and yet Bonaparte's evidence has never been called for! Is it totally forgotten that he himself, with that cold indifference so visible in every thing he writes, and so characteristic of cruelty, in its most emphatic sense; he himself, distinctly and unreservedly, was the first to publish the fact?

H.

Bonaparte did first publish it; he published it in all its essential features; our countrymen have only collected the minute circumstances. We refer to his official letter, dated Head Quarters, Jaffa, 23 Ventose, 7th Year (14th March, 1799).

Bonaparte's account helps us to correct, in some less essential points, the accounts of the English writers; while the latter help us to expand and illustrate his.

We regret that the length of his letter will not allow us to insert it entire; but we shall extract all that relates to Jaffa, and refer for its authenticity to the Moniteur and other publications of the day, and to Pieces Officielles de l'Armee d'Egypte, printed at Paris, in the year 8, premier partie, p. 146.

SIEGE OF JAFFA (Yaffa).

Kleber's division at first invested Jaffa, and afterwards threw itself on the river Hhayha, to cover the siege. Bonn's division invested the right front of the town, and Lasne's division the left.

"The enemy opened forty pieces of cannon from all points of the walls, from which he poured upon us a vigor-, ous and continued fire.

"On the 16th Ventose (7th March)

two