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are to continue will be very decidedly smaller than the figures would indicate.

In the conclusion of the chapter it is observed that such an insignificant percentage of Negroes as will then exist in the United States is too small to attract attention as a serious race problem. Thus we have led up to the natural ending of the mooted Negro question, without any purposeful interference or intervention by the whites, for the accomplishment of

that end.

In the present chapter we have shown some of the records of the diseases that carry the Negro mortality rate so far above that of the white race; and it is noticed that deep-seated racial traits and characteristics are responsible for the prevalence of these diseases; all of which may be included in the fact that the Negro has not been improved in past ages either physically or mentally-as has been his Caucasic brother. Thus in the struggle for existence-which means the survival of the fittest-all processes of reason combine with the most accurate observations to declare the former the unfit variety.

Attention has also been called to the fact that there is no justification for attempts to separate his present condition from his past environment, or his natural inheritances from his long line of stupid, indifferent, savage, ancestors. Past history of the Negro variety of human kind and present-day traits and tendencies are inseparable.

CHAPTER XVI

Negro Criminality

RIMINALITY is defined as the science which treats of the causes and nature of crime, but it hardly seems justifiable to class this branch of investigation as a science at all in its present state of development. The causes or influences lying behind the many kinds and degrees of crime are as varied and complex as those which have produced Man himself, and many of these causes-certainly many of their combinations -must forever be consigned to that class of phenomena which consist of so great a multiplicity of impressions or influences operating during such vast ages as to place them beyond the power of Man to disentangle.

Its separate study and classification as a science is of very recent development and is largely due to Cesare Lombroso, an Italian professor in the University of Turin, who in 1876 published a book entitled, "L'uomo delinquente" (Criminal Man), which attracted the attention of the civilized world. Since its appearance the subject has received wide attention, and been treated at length by eminent scientists-jurists, physicians, sociologists, economists -and those who have to do, in various capacities, with the conduct of criminal institutions. But on nearly every branch of the subject there exists the widest variation of opinion, therefore it is hardly proper to speak of criminality as belonging to science, which means exact knowledge, or known facts

arranged in their proper relation to one another. If criminality is subject to such treatment at all it is certainly in a very limited way, and even then there exists the widest diversity of opinion as to the correctness of its formulas.

The fact that the Negro is inferior racially implies that he is also more criminal. However, in addition to his unbroken line of savage and barbarian ancestry-up to the time our American Negro became a chattel-there are other extenuating circumstances with which the Negro should be credited. It is true that he has perpetrated many crimes for which he has never been punished, but it is likewise true that he has been punished for a great deal of crime which he has not committed.*

Justice to the despised black man necessitates this admission. Nor is it fair to compare his criminal records with those of the whites. Not that such records should be either suppressed or minimized, but that he has actually been charged with and punished for more than his fair share of the total amount of crime committed in the political communities in which he resides. In other words the white man more frequently evades detection, and when detected and convicted usually suffers a less severe penalty.

The white race makes the laws, interprets and executes them. Could it be reasonably supposed, under the circumstances, and in the very face of a violent race prejudice, that the weaker race has received, and is receiving, an equal degree of legal

*We do not say this in a spirit of criticism, but as historically true. With a population of nine million Negroes in the Southern states it is essential to rule them rigidly, and to inflict severe and speedy punshments. This is not only essential for the protection of the whites, but broadly considered best for the blacks.

benefits and immunities? It is not within the bounds of human nature. And if it were, expediency would discountenance such a course so long as the race question continues to occupy the vital position it now does, and has done, for more than a century past.

As has often been observed-in answer to Utopian theories in pro-Negro discourses regarding the equality or supremacy of Negroes in the South— we are not, in this instance, dealing with theories of any kind, but with a most serious condition. We must handle the situation according to necessities, and in favor of absolute and unwavering supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon. Sir H. H. Johnston in a recent publication complained bitterly of the stern and rigid social regulations applied uniformly to our nine million Southern Negroes; apparently forgetting that not long since the United States Government was memorialized by certain American Negroes to the effect that in Johannesburg and its environs-a British community, where a similar condition exists -they were not allowed to use the sidewalks, but required to confine themselves to the middle of the

streets.

Our government very properly declined to notice the matter further than to state that no effort would be made to interfere with this police regulation.

The broad and logical view of this South African regulation is that such a requirement, found necessary by a great people like the British, is probably essential for the highest interests of the superior race in that locality. And Sir H. H. Johnston might profit by reflecting upon this more generous attitude of Americans.

In a paper entitled "Contrasts and Parallels," Mr. Walter F. Wilcox says:

"The Southern people have lately been told by an

eminent American scholar that they cannot hope to solve the race problem, or any other problem, until they first learn the real barbarism of their social standards.' My reply to this generous suggestion would be similar to Mr. Blaine's answer, as Secretary of State, to the then Italian Minister on a certain important occasion when the latter found fault with our confusing dual system of state and Federal governments. It was to the effect that he was sorry, but really did not believe we would make any immediate change. It is not safe to generalize about the attitude of fifteen or twenty millions of people on the subject. But I feel that I can say that the white people of the South believe that where two races, as widely different as are the white and black, live together in large masses, public policy requires the observance of certain regulations in the ordering of the social relations between the two. Furthermore, they are entirely satisfied that every single instance of disregard of these established regulations is of harmful tendency, through force of suggestion and example, and this without the least reference whatever to the social station of the parties immediately concerned, or to the effect upon them as individuals. It matters very little how we may designate this as race prejudice, social barbarism, or what not. There it is, and it is grounded upon no such feeling as may be dismissed with a sneer. It is based upon high considerations of the general welfare of the state, and rises to the dignity of a fixed canon of social and public law."

It may be regarded rude by some to refuse to break bread with Negroes, but we venture the opinion that it is no less impolite and discourteous than requiring him to walk in the middle of the street, and denying him the use of the sidewalks.

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