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Wherever there are great masses of an inferior race closely associated with a superior, the fittest must survive and exercise supervision and control over the unfit. This is an inflexible and irrevocable decree of mankind in all ages and in all lands, reinforced and uniformly supported by natural law throughout the entire kingdom of living things; a law superior to ordinary interpretations of justice. None familiar with the Negro character can reasonably assert that it is safe to grant him all the social and political prerogatives possessed by the master class, and this axiom may be applied in South Africa, Brazil, Southern states of America or elsewhere, without requiring the slightest qualification.

And when we come to view the situation thus abstractly it becomes more than ever apparent that our treatment of the Negro, since emancipation, has been greatly tempered by the improved moral concept of our own race. If the situation had been reversed, and the black race had possessed all the powers of government and numerical domination, but retained its racial qualities, the white man would have long since been blotted from the face of the earth, so far as these Southern states are concerned.

Returning then to the question of relative criminal records in the United States, it should be borne in mind that North as well as South the Negro does not receive the same awards of justice before the law that are visited upon the superior race.

Passing strange it is, after the many protests and lamentations that have come out of the North, regarding the ill-use and abuse of the Negro in the South, criminal records show that in proportion to numerical strength, he is more frequently and more severely punished in the North than elsewhere. However, we have at least a partial explanation of

this to be presented later which relieves that section to some extent at least of the charge of unduly harsh

treatment.

There is before us a mass of evidence from sundry sources and by various writers, showing the high percentage of crimes committed by Negroes in all parts of the United States; but it seems best to present only a brief statement of the general facts, thus avoiding prolixity in the presentation of a mere phase of our subject.

For example, in the city of Charleston, South Carolina, where the colored population constitutes 56.39 per cent. of the whole, it was found in a recent investigation of records that the proportion of colored among the male criminals was 65.58 per cent. and among females 79.19 per cent. For the period 1889-94 inclusive, Negroes are shown, in a table compiled by Mr. Hoffman from police records of Charleston, to be responsible for 82.09 per cent. of homicides, and out of 18 cases of rape 17 were committed by Negroes. For crimes against property the Negro is likewise shown to be responsible for more than 90 per cent.

In the Northern states, in the year 1890, there were twelve white prisoners to every ten thousand whites, and sixty-nine Negro prisoners to every ten thousand Negroes. In the state of New York, and in proportion to their numbers, the Negroes contributed over five times as many as did the whites to the prison population.

The number of Negro prisoners in Southern states increased, between 1880 and 1890, twentynine per cent., while the white prisoners increased only 8 per cent. During this same period, and in states where slavery was never introduced, white prisoners increased 7 per cent. faster than the white

population, while Negro prisoners increased 39 per cent. faster than the Negro population. Thus the increase in Negro criminality exceeded the increase of white criminality-if we may judge from the number of prisoners-more in the North than in the South.

In the few figures here presented, which have been selected as reflecting the general average of the great mass which are accessible to all who care to take the trouble to review them, it will be seen that the rate of Negro criminality is much higher than that of the white race, and that the increase is astonishingly more rapid throughout the length and breadth of the country. The state of New York serves as a fair type of conditions elsewhere.

Writing on this subject Mr. Hoffman says:

"All the tables for various states and cities confirm the census data, and show without exception that the criminality of the Negro exceeds that of any other race of any numerical importance in this country.'

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Our explanation of the fact that Negroes commit, or are convicted of more crimes in the North than in the South, is twofold; first a large proportion of the Negroes residing in Northern states are mulattoes, a class known to be more criminal than the pure-blooded Negro. Moreover, many of these migratory Negroes leave their homes because of their criminal tendencies. Their roamings being often due to compulsion rather than choice. Secondly, law is better enforced in the North and fewer criminals escape its vigilance. It may well be added that in all sections the white man takes his race prejudice with him when he is called upon to sit in the jury box, and, contrary to the contemplation and declaration of the law, too frequently considers the Negro pris

oner guilty until he has abundantly established his innocence, thus transferring the burden of proofin the case of the Negro-from the commonwealth to the prisoner.

There is still one other factor which should be recorded in considering the excessively high criminal records of the Negro. Sociology has established the fact that poverty greatly increases the percentage of crime among a people, and that this is made even more conspicuous where great poverty and great riches exist in close proximity. This fact not only serves to relieve the Negro of some of his burden of crime in the South, but applies with even more force in the North, where the white population is richer and the Negro relatively poorer.

But when all these allowances have been made, the criminal tendencies and records of the Negro still stand out in bold relief, as necessary consequences of the fact that he is racially and mentally the most inferior branch of the human species.

This tendency to commit crime constitutes an important element in his elimination, not that the number actually killed or imprisoned is sufficiently large to perceptibly influence the question, but that prison life is detrimental to subsequent progress and health; and racial reputation for crime and unreliability militate against improvement in the conditions of the

race.

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CHAPTER XVII

Negro Education

ND there are also many other things which Jesus said, the which, if they should be written every one, I suppose that even the world itself could not con

tain the books that should be written."

The idea conveyed in this quotation from scripture aptly illustrates the feeling of hopelessness experienced when we attempt to wade through the deluge of writings on the subject of Negro education. The world somehow manages to contain them without giving evidence of the slightest interference with her annual journey around the sun, or serious disturbance of her diurnal and nocturnal alternations, but woe be unto the man who attempts to read them every one!

Fortunately there is no occasion here to enter thus deeply into the subject; suffice it to consider briefly the expediency of educating the Negro at all, and if so, to what extent, and in what direction. It is expected that the views here expressed will excite the hearty displeasure and disapproval of some, for it is quite impossible that all of those living in sections of this vast country where there is no Negro question should entertain the same opinions in this regard, as do some of those living in the midst of this black population.

It is our deliberate opinion-and we trust it is not founded on prejudice that the ability to read, write and count a little is all the book-learning the Negro

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