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thine; if it were for thy interest to elect a man who would go

to Vienna, much more would it be mine; if thereby thou wouldst have less taxes to pay those fellows, I should be much more relieved, inasmuch as my farm is much greater than thine ; if, now, thou art fool enough to follow the advice of the officials who are paid by the Germans, rather than my example, do so.'Of course it is only a man, of whose pecuniary independence and superior information the peasant has no doubt, and who, besides, has interests obviously identical with his own, that can speak to him in this tone with effect. Next to the landlord, he has most confidence in the priest or the pastor, as the case may be ; but of the government official, the lawyer, the shopkeeper, and the Jewish wool or corn factor, he has an extreme distrust. They are people who dwell in towns, levy executions, and grow rich upon bargains made with him, in which, he shrewdly suspects, he comes off second best.

Again, as was observed to me with respect to the present agitation, even the peasant is not so crass as not to see the glaring impropriety of painting up Dicsértessék Jézus Krisztus (Jesus Christ be glorified) over the door of a pothouse where wine is given away in return for promised votes. Altogether the impression produced upon me was that the clergy had made a great mistake in trying to ride roughshod over their flocks, and to force them to vote for the clerical candidate, partly by denunciations from the pulpit, partly by abusing the opportunities of intimidation afforded by their position as large landholders and employers of labour. Now the feature of the Magyar's character which especially distinguishes him from the other nationalities of the country is that he is nyakos (stiff-necked); the more he is driven, the more he kicks against the pricks. This obstinacy is often accompanied by a generous pride, for the Magyar peasant is in his own estimation an aristocrat, and ought therefore to behave as such. A man who held a farm under the Chapter, tola the canvassers of the liberal party that, situated as he was, he could not vote on the right side; “but," added he, “my son is free, and you can depend upon his vote." However, as the day of the election drew near he felt so uncomfortable under the restraint of his position that he scraped together, as he best could, the requisite funds, went to the agent, paid himself out, and then voted for the liberal candidate.

A more extreme instance was next mentioned, in which the canvassers of the same party invited the peasants of a certain village into the public-house to discuss the question over a glass of wine. They declined the invitation with respectful thanks, as they said they did not wish to have it cast in their teeth that their convictions were the result of the wine they had drank. Honesty, however, compels me to state that such extreme delicacy is very rare in Hun

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gary. A large measure of extraordinary hospitality is looked upon as one of the primal bounden duties of a candidate. The friend at whose puszta I stayed during the summer told me afterwards that though his election was unopposed, he had had an extraordinary run of guests of all sorts for weeks before the election, and on one occasion had had to provide ham and sausages and wine for a deputation of three hundred electors, who had heard, they said, a rumour to the effect that he did not intend to come forward, and were come to persuade him to do so.

But the case over which the vice-president most chuckled was the answer given by a village of Swabians, or German colonists, to the clerical canvassers. The latter had told the peasants they must vote against the liberal candidate, for his party proposed to confiscate the estates of the clergy. “But,” was the blunt answer, is the very thing we want to see done.” In order to appreciate the point of this story, it must be remembered that, although we associate the ideas of Germany and Protestantism, in Hungary the case is exactly reversed. The greater part of these Swabian colonists were planted by the princes of the House of Austria in the beginning of the eighteenth century, after the expulsion of the Turks, and the suppression of a series of Protestant insurrections, followed up by an extensive confiscation of Protestant property, had once more made Catholicism dominant in the lands belonging to the crown of St. Stephen. Under such circumstances we may be sure that only true Catholics received permission to immigrate, or the government support and patronage necessary to tide them over the difficulties of the first years of their colonisation. Hence in Hungary Catholicism is often called a német vallús (the German religion), while Calvinism is known as a Magyar vallás (the Hungarian religion). The Germans have besides the reputation of being very conservative, and having a great respect for the powers that be. If, then, such men turned against the clergy, where were they to look for popular support?.

I have dwelt thus at length upon the views which the peasants took, or might be expected to take, of the matter, because the electoral laws of 1848 have thrown the rural elections practically into the hands of that one class. Under the old system of labour rent, the landed proprietors, tax-free “nobles,” had some centuries ago converted a large portion of their estates into copyhold property, held by peasants, non-nobles subject to taxation, on condition of performing a certain amount of agricultural labour. In the reign of Maria Theresa, the government interfered to prevent the landlord either oppressing the taxable peasant, so as to render him unable to bear the burdens of the state, or (what it feared still more) resuming peasant land, making it “noble," and thus withdrawing it from the

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category of taxable property. This was the origin of the so-called

Urbarium," a survey of all peasant holdings throughout Hungary, in which the obligations of the peasant copyholders were severally defined and recorded. In 1848 Kossuth and his fellow-reformers, proceeding on the theory that the peasant had, by bearing so long a disproportionate share of the public burdens, acquired a claim on the state, determined to indemnify him by converting his copyhold farm into a freehold estate, while the landlord was to be compensated out of the public treasury. They thus created all over Hungary a large mass of small landed proprietors and freehold cottagers. Of this class all who hold land to the extent of eighteen or twenty acres are entitled to a vote; and in the rural districts these voters form not merely a majority, but an overwhelming majority.

Next morning we all three drove over to the village, the two members of the deputation dropping me at the house of the esperes, who, after a short conversation, took me out to the end of the village, where we posted ourselves upon a high bank, unencumbered with any pretence of a hedge, to look out for the arrival of the voters. They did not make their appearance till it was long past nine. Jeantime those resident in T itself were, so to say, already under arms, with banners flying, dressed in their holiday clothes, and fluttering with ribbons. Neither party had any distinctive colour. As each claimed to be the true, national Hungarian party, each bore aloft the national tricolour-red, white, and green. The

— only difference to be observed was in the names of the candidates inscribed on the white portion of the flag. The village of T—in which both these gentlemen resided, was pretty evenly divided between the two parties, but they were severally collected before the public-houses which each party had engaged.

I had now to learn that besides other distinctions between the two parties, there prevailed to a great degree a geographical one also. The broad plateau, in the centre of which stands the village of T-, is bounded on the south-west by a range of low hills, and on the north-east by a river. The majority of the villages in the former direction had made up their minds decidedly to support the liberal candidate, while those along the banks of the river furnished the chief strength of the clericals. . The Protestant clergyman had led me out to the upper end of the village, being himself most interested in the arrival of the strength of his own party. As I have mentioned, they were rather long in coming, so that we had to wait about exposed to a nipping north wind. I had to amuse myself by watching the crowd of voters, who, in front of the inn, were keeping themselves warm by dancing the csárdás, which national dance can be performed either with or without partners, as occasion serves. In the middle of the group the standard-bearers made their

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flag-poles jump up and down and twirl about, almost as actively as any
of them. The music of the gipsy band (an indispensable accom-
paniment of any merrymaking in this country) was accompanied not
merely by the clashing of the dancers' spurs, but also by an election
song, composed expressly for the occasion. As it enjoyed great
popularity among the liberal peasant-electors of the county of G-
and is a fair specimen of the Hungarian popular songs, I give it in
full.

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At last the watchers on the mound raised the cry, “They come! they come !” Along the two roads which traversed the plain were seen long dark masses ever drawing nearer. After a little while their approach was heralded by a rattling train of light waggons, either empty or containing none but non-combatants, so to say,– women and boys. These waggons had conveyed the richer or more

. aged of the voters over the greater portion of their political pilgrimage. Now, however, that they were to enter the field of battle, they formed in marching order. Village by village, they came in in double file, the elder peasants leading the van of each community, and bearing a flag inscribed with the name of the favourite candidate, or, in some few cases where the village was nearly equally divided between the two parties, a flag for each of them. For the processionists were divided not so much according to party as according to village, and the judge of each was present, as a reliable authority to identify each individual voter before the “ deputation."

But I ought not to have forgotten the kortes-vezér (leader of the electors) of the liberals, who had ridden out to welcome the newcomers, a man in the very prime of early middle age, mounted on a sleek black charger, with a bright new crimson cloth girthed under

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his saddle, dressed in correct national costume, and bearing a tricolour flag of portentous dimensions—a perfect Hungarian "cavalier.”

When the processions had quite passed by me into the village, I also returned. By this time I found that the voters from the river side had also come in, and then for the first time I saw what I thought—as it turned out erroneously-was an outward party badge. The peasants from the hill side were all in their winter costume, wearing jackets or spencers of dark blue cloth with trousers of the same colour and stuff, their lower ends encased in high, coarse boots, which reached almost to the knee. The older men, who might claim the privilege of age to feel chilly, wore over all their great sheepskin pelisses with curious capes of black lambs' wool. The men from the river side, who seemed with one voice to be shouting lustily long life to the clerical candidate, were dressed in exactly the same costume with one difference—the colour was light blue. In fact it was, in a coarser form, the same contrast as is presented at the University boat race. I subsequently learned that this difference was no party distinction, but rather a geographical one, the light blue dress being traditional in some villages along the river side, while the greater portion of the peasantry in the neighbourhood have worn time immemorial dark blue.

It is the Hungarian practice to ascertain the majority in the first instance by acclamation. If after that the party, whom the president of the “deputation” has decided to be in the minority, are not satisfied with the result, they may demand a poll. This demand must, however, be made by ten qualified voters, whose names are taken down by the notary and inserted in the "protocol.” The two parties now grouped themselves in two dense masses, not far from each other, and close to the platform on which the “ deputation" had taken their stand, and to which the local celebrities and myself as the “ distinguished foreigner” of the day, had been admitted. It was a temporary scaffolding of boards, surrounded by a wooden rail, erected on the gable roof of a wine-cellar. These wine-cellars in Hungary are horizontal excavations in a hill, or at any rate in rising ground, and, except that they are somewhat larger and often have a facing of solid masonry, present to my eyes a great resemblance to what in Radnorshire is called a “potato-tump.” Travellers who have ventured further east than I have might perhaps compare them to the sepulchral caves of Egypt and Arabia. Between the two comparisons my readers may get some idea of their appearance. Leaning over the stone pediment of its front, we looked down upon the swarm of human faces which were all turned in our direction. When the pro-president put the question,“ Whom do ye will to have as deputy ?” the name of the liberal candidate was returned as answer, accompanied by vociferous éljens. Once started, the crowd,

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