been for years employing the swiftest steamer that could be built, to carry for its own private benefit the news from Calcutta to Shanghai. The Australian Governments are likewise contemplating the establishment of a line of steamers direct from Ceylon to Melbourne. Nothing can exceed the activity and energy of these flourishing offshoots of Great Britain; and it is most pleasing to observe, that although so far separated, there continues an affectionate attachment to the mother country. The Victorian Legislature say-" Your Majesty's subjects in Victoria desire that the privilege of forming part of the great empire over which your Majesty happily reigns may ever be theirs, and it is with no wish of avoiding the risk of war incidental to our relation to the empire, or of making the connection a burden upon Great Britain, that we now approach your Majesty." There is a party in England who advocate the dissolution of the ties that bind us to our colonies at the earliest possible moment. Such a separation is certainly not desired by the colonies themselves, nor by the general public feeling in England. The only grounds for it are the expense that would be incurred in time of war in defending such distant possessions. But having planted these settlements of our countrymen, it seems rather cowardly to leave them to their fate; and if the example of Victoria be followed, they will in time be an assistance to us, and not a burden. At any rate the time has not arrived when they can stand alone. of our own kith and kin that remain voluntarily united better; with language, religion, institutions the same, the sea parts, without dividing us, and it will require a series of errors, such as those of the last century of which we hope we are now incapable to wrench from us the affections of our countrymen in the colonies.

The more countries to our empire the

The visit of our volunteers to BELGIUM has been a matter of considerablə importance. About nine years ago there was, we believe, a general wish, especially among the commercial classes of Belgium, for a union with France. But at the magnificent banquet which the king gave to the volunteers on Saturday, October 20, there appears to have been a strong manifestation of patriotic feeling. When Colonel Loyd Lindsay, in returning thanks for the English volunteers, uttered the words, "We have found in your hearts that which England most admires-love of country, respect for nationality, and a determination to maintain them even with your lives," the whole company sprang to their feet, and appeared to have been excited by an extraordinary enthusiasm. So long as they are united, and wish to form an independent community, there is no doubt that the Belgians will be allowed to do so. The king seems to have inherited the tact of his father, and to be extremely popular with all parties. He made answers to the speeches with great good taste, and avoided any allusions that might have been unpleasant to any of his powerful neighbours, while giving full praises to the patriotism of his own subjects.

Belgium was one of the ill-assorted unions formed by the treaties of 1815. It was joined to Holland, a country differing in national character, religion, and language; and the consequence was that at the first opportunity, in 1830, Belgium declared her independence. A conference of the Great Powers was called, and on certain conditions the separation of Belgium from Holland was agreed upon; and as the King of Holland would not agree to the award, force was used to turn him out of the citadel of Antwerp. All this was done while Lord Palmerston was Foreign Minister. A step was then taken, which even now lays a heavy obligation upon us. Five of the barrier fortresses on the

frontier of France were allowed to be dismantled, and Belgium received from the British Government a guarantee for the "perpetual inviolability, integrity, and neutrality of the Belgian territory." This is a still stronger obligation than a defensive alliance. The latter would bind a state to go to the aid of its ally, and make every practicable exertion in his defence, practicable in extent and reasonable in duration, "but a guarantee knows no limits either of time or of degree. The integrity of the territory of that ally must be maintained at whatever cost the effort to maintain it be prolonged-nay, though the guaranteed power should contribute almost nothing to the maintaining it. "Such are the obligations which this country is at present under. Are we prepared to fulfil them should the occasion arise? May not some one of the very parties to the guarantee be the cause of our being called upon to execute our contract? If Great Britain should call on the other guaranteeing States to join her in the effort, as they are bound by treaty to do, is it probable that they will go the length of ever fulfilling the obligations of a defensive alliance, by exertions practicable in extent and reasonable in duration, to maintain the territorial integrity of Belgium? Is it at all likely that they will go, as they are bound to go, so far as to exhaust their life-blood for such an object? The position, then, in which Great Britain is placed by this undertaking is in every respect most embarrassing. Should any seizure of Belgian territory take place, by any neighbouring Power, this country is bound by treaty not only to commence, but to continue, hostilities till the conquered country is restored, however hopeless that restoration may be. If it be said that that would be impossible, and that we cannot be called upon to perform impossibilities-then, why did the Government thus hamper the good faith of the country? Why thus lightly, for the sake of temporary gain, pledge the honour of the British nation to pursue a course which, if she were to persevere in it, might be attended with discomfiture and ruin ?" We have called attention to these remarks of Mr. A. G. Stapleton in his recent work on Non-intervention, because Belgium is one of our political liabilities, which may at any moment be presented against us, and of which many Englishmen are not aware. We constantly hear people discuss the question, what we should do if the French took Belgium, forgetting or not knowing that as the treaty stands, if the Belgian Government calls on us for assistance, we have no choice how to act without repudiating a most solemn engagement. We think, with Mr. Stapleton, that we ought never to have concluded it, and that we should relieve ourselves from it as quickly as we can. The late King Leopold evidently thought that there were dangers menacing Belgium, when he contrived that system of defence for the country, which was carried out a few years ago. Enormous sums were spent on the fortifications of Antwerp, which were made so extensive as to contain the whole Belgian army, in case it were menaced by an overpowering force. Here they might remain in safety, till those of the guaranteeing Powers who chose to fulfil their engagements could come to their assistThere has grown up, however, in England such a dislike to interfering in the affairs of other countries, that England might very likely think it her best policy to leave Belgium to her fate; and if England did not interfere, no other Power certainly would think of doing so. England ought to have no treaties which she is not prepared to carry out to the letter; and if her foreign policy has undergone a change, her treaties should be revised to accord with her foreign policy. She lost character by her conduct in the affairs of Denmark. She would lose infinitely more, if she were to repudiate her solemn

ance.

guarantee of Belgium, and therefore, not being able to foresee whether it would be in her power or for her interests to carry it out, it would be her best course, while there is time, to release herself from all the obligations which shackle the course of her foreign policy.

The course of events in PRUSSIA is sadly confirming our prediction, that the first steps towards the unification of Germany under the supremacy of Prussia were not identical with the restoration of German freedom, and that a government formed of reactionary elements would, at least after a successful campaign, not easily be converted to liberal principles. Nine days after King William had granted a general amnesty, after a great deal of hesitation, and only on the most pressing representations of the Crown Prince, who had been instigated by Count Bismarck to intervene in the matter, an action was again brought against Herr von Twesten, one of the most prominent members of the Chamber, on account of a speech which he had made on the 4th of June to his constituents. All were agreed, both in Prussia and in the whole of Germany, as to the injustice of such a prosecution when it was undertaken before the war; but at that time nothing better was expected of the Prussian Government, whose object it seemed to be to make the breach between the Parliament and the Crown irreparable. Other acts were also performed at that time by the Government, which were totally unjustifiable from a constitutional point of view; it having even gone so far as to prosecute members of the Chamber for their speeches in Parliament. Between then and now, however, there is a chapter of history more pregnant with events and more important than many an epoch which extends over a period a hundred times as long. Since the first days of June the Prussian people, notwithstanding the opposition which they at first showed to the home and foreign policy of the Government, have shed their blood on several battle-fields; they have given the Government, in recognition of its services, an indemnity for the sins it has committed; they have given it, through their representatives, the highest proof of their confidence, by placing at its disposal millions of thalers, with which it is enabled at any given moment to carry out its own policy against the will of the people; they have in all points treated the wishes of the royal family with respect, gratitude, confidence, and even enthusiasm; and have, by their readiness to make sacrifices, at least earned the right of having their own just wishes attended to. Hitherto they have nowhere given too loud or indiscreet expression to these wishes. arms with the same obedience as they took them. able to return to their families from the war have taken off their uniforms to engage in their old peaceful occnpations, without complaining of the blood and property which has been lost-nay, they exult in the consciousness of having added to the glory, the power, and the prestige of their fatherland by their strength and national spirit, and are all of them ready to forget and forgive the past. More than this was not done by the American people when they laid down their arms after conquering the rebellion of the South; greater civic virtue is not recorded in the annals of ancient history, and surely any greater self-renunciation cannot be expected from a nation whose sacred rights have for years been violated.

They have surrendered their The fathers and sons who were

The Government, in spite of all this, now again tears open the old wounds, and recklessly calls back painful recollections by the prosecution of Herr von Twesten. It should here be remarked that Herr von Twesten is not one of the few deputies who, like Jacobi, even now refuse to make any compromise with a government which denies to the people its rights, notwithstanding its brilliant

political successes. On the contrary, Herr von Twestenwas one of the first who abandoned, in presence of the success of the Bismarck régime, many of their former principles, and who complaisantly yielded to the Government, and gave it the indemnity it asked for; in return for which, it will be remembered, that the King assured them that if a similar case should again occur he would show as little consideration for the Chamber as before. Herr von Twesten was one of the first who had given the Government an amnesty; and, in return, he is now himself to be excluded from the amnesty given by the King. This is indeed a singular mode of repayment, and a sad omen of the future conduct of the Ministry towards the nation. The defenders of the Government, it is true, allege that the amnesty only referred to those who had been condemned, and not to those who are still under trial; that although the King has the right of pardon, any interference with the course of justice would be a gross violation of right on his part; that such and such a section of the law is quite clear on this point, and that it cannot be explained away. But where, we will ask, is the paragraph in any code of laws that may not be read in at least two ways? and indeed several Prussian jurists have already come forward to prove to the advocates of the Government that their illiberal interpretation of the paragraph in question is anything but the correct one. It matters little, however, which of these legal opinions adopts the correct view. Probably both are right, and consequently neither, as is usually the case in disputes of this kind. Suffice it to say, that the Government perseveres in the course which it has, in a most despicable manner, for the last four years pursued—namely, in all doubtful cases, and even in cases where the doubt is purposely of its own making, to adopt the solution which is the most hateful to the country.

In another matter the conduct of the Prussian Government also affords much food for reflection. A journalist named Liebknecht, a native of Hesse, who has for years been banished from Prussia on account of an insignificant offence, and had for some time found a refuge in England, was simple enough to return to Berlin after the war. He had fondly hoped that the great battle of Sadowa had wiped out all distinctions between Prussia and the rest of Germany, and that his native country, having been virtually placed under the supremacy of Prussia, the amnesty which had been granted by the latter would apply to him as well as to the natives of Prussia proper. His delusion was quickly dispelled. The police of Berlin laid their heavy hands on his all tooconfiding shoulder; he was accused of having returned to Prussia without special permission, and may think himself fortunate that he has only been condemned to three months' imprisonment.

Ex ungue leonem. The cases we have above alluded to may in themselves appear unimportant; but as they are by no means the results of mere accident, they must be regarded as proofs-and they are now so regarded in Germany also that the hopes of a liberal tendency in the Prussian Cabinet are as yet very visionary indeed. Some console themselves with the thought that Bismarck, if he had not been compelled by his illness to be away from Berlin, would have avoided both of the above scandals; and that when he returns to his post he will not permit such odious measures to continue. It may be so, for he has decidedly more far-sightedness, tact, and good sense than all his colleagues put together. Meanness is certainly not the worst of his faults, although during his premiership he rather assisted than opposed the littlenesses of the police régime in Prussia; and what he formerly held to be necessary he may

now think unsuitable. All this is possible, and is worth hoping for. What, however, we hold to be totally impossible is, that he can succeed in introducing a more liberal régime without replacing most of his present colleagues in the Cabinet by efficient men. Of them we will here only name one-Count Lippe, the present Minister of Justice. He may be a very estimable man in his way, and that the Junker party has felt great satisfaction at his mode of administering the department of Justice-except that he was not strict enough in regard to the democratic rabble both in and out of the Chamber-is beyond a doubt; but the wolf would be more suited to act as a shepherd than Count Lippe as Minister of Justice in a constitutional country ruled even only to a certain degree in a liberal manner; and Count Bismarck must rid himself of such men, if he has convinced himself that he cannot do without the sympathies of the Liberals in Prussia and the rest of Germany in order to complete the work he has begun in Schleswig-Holstein. Whether he has really convinced himself of this is the question. There are, indeed, indications that the open breach between him and his former ultra-Conservative friends will not now be long delayed, and that it would have occurred before now, if the Minister-President had not had to struggle against the king and his entourage; but such indications may be deceptive, and there is unfortunately as yet no tangible prospect of a change for the better. So far is this from being the case, that the laws against the press, the right of meeting, and other liberties guaranteed by charter, are carried out with exactly the same strictness that they were a year ago; and the convocation of the German Parliament has again been postponed for an indefinite period-a fact which has naturally caused much angry comment.

The illness of Count Bismarck-which, like that of the Emperor Napoleon, has given rise to the most extravagant rumours-has hitherto not had any disturbing influence on the foreign policy of Prussia. At Biarritz the Prussian Government was very well represented by Count Goltz and Herr von Werther, and both have left that place with the conviction that Prussia may for the present continue in the course on which she has entered so brilliantly without having anything to fear from any menacing representations on the part of France. As regards Luxemburg, Count Bismarck will succeed in arranging matters with the King of Holland. The sulky attitude of Austria, too, inspires him with no fear; and if she really makes the immense mistake of entrusting Herr von Beust with the direction of her foreign affairs, he will only have to congratulate himself on his good fortune. With Saxony he has done for the present, now that the convention regulating the military relations of that country with Prussia has been signed—a convention which secures to Prussia the right of supplying part of the garrisons of the towns in the "independent" state of King John, and will inevitably lead to the total supremacy of Prussia over Saxony. With Oldenburg the treaty for an exchange of territory in Holstein, which has buried for ever the last remnant of the Russian claims, has been concluded; and in the other annexed territories-in Hanover, Hesse, Nassau, and Frankfort the Prussian military system will, with modifications of more or less importance, shortly be introduced. When the youth of these newly-won territories put on the Prussian uniform, the opposition of the old system to the new will at once vanish; especially if, as we are assured by the semi-official Berlin papers, the habits and peculiarities of the conquered provinces will be spared so far as is consistent with the higher objects of unification which are aimed at by the central authorities.

Oct. 29.