would be to give a little glory to the country which he had deprived of liberty. Doubtless he would have no scruple in making use of that means, for the recent triumph of the General was acclaimed by bands of workmen in the street in the shape of warlike songs and cries of hatred against Germany. Fortunately, however, there is many a slip between the cup and the lip. Boulanger is not yet the master of France, and has not yet the right to treat Paris as a conquered city. He has in front of him a Republican Chamber, a Republican Senate, the President of a Republican Republic, and the Government may yet maintain itself in power through the support of the majority of the nation. If it only shows some energy. France may yet remain mistress of her liberty. The situation to-day is just what it was before the election; there is not even one Deputy the more. M. Boulanger, Deputy for the Department of the Nord, has become Deputy for the Department of the Seinethat is all. It will be necessary for him to make more than one effort to become the sole and unopposed master of the nation in which he is neither esteemed nor respected, even by those who uphold him and who vote for him. This Paris election of an aspirant to the Dictatorship-this election by a crushing majority of a man who desires to re-establish the Empire, without the aid of an illustrious name, family traditions, a glorious past, or any personal qualities-has taken by surprise more than one_enlightened citizen who thought he knew France. The fact is that Paris is a city of surprises, an ungovernable city, a city of levity, of changing moods, where to vote against the Government is an amusement, where the people like to give "lessons" to the Government, but where, however, they would be indeed grieved, through a mistake, to overturn this Republic, though it is so amusing to make manifestations against it. It must be acknowledged that the manifestation of Sunday, January 27th, was one of an anti-Republican character, but this was certainly not the intention of all the voters. Alongside of those simple-minded electors who believe in the Republicanism of M. Boulanger on the faith of Rochefort's assurances, there are a great number of dissatisfied people who, discontented with the policy of the Government, have desired to give it a warning, but who would be quite ready to defend it directly they thought it seriously in peril. At Paris there is a political élite which cannot be found in any other part of France; but behind this small body there is a floating mass of men without fixed convictions, a capricious and undisciplined mass, which throws itself first on one side and then on the other, which votes from sentimentality, or, like young roughs, without caring about the consequences. If you reflect that the

Conservative party, which sees in M. Boulanger a machine for overturning the Republic, has given him 100,000 votes, and that all those elements of the population which may be described as adventurers or scamps -idle workmen and bankrupt tradesmen-voted for him, you will not be much surprised at the result. Perhaps you may wonder that there were only 16,000 Republicans who gave their votes to M. Jacques, who is an honest, intelligent man, but whose name was quite unknown until the last few weeks. Besides, M. Jacques had the very grave fault-in the eyes of the Parisians -that his candidature had a false air of being official; and the Parisian-who expects the Government to give him everything, who attributes to it every commercial crisis-this Parisian, whose dream is always to be a Government functionary, is the born enemy of the Government, and never loses a chance of making it feel his hatred. Moreover, the Parisian belongs to that Moderate Party which was frightened by such a candidature as that of M. Jacques; for the latter is in the Municipal Council, of the Autonomist and Radical group, which is quite enough to raise the fears of a timid Republican, and keep him away from the poll. Yet it is the Radicals, above all, who have deserted. As a general rule, the Right and the

Left wing of the Republican Party have held firm the Opportunists and Socialists have fought side by side and voted almost wholly against M. Boulanger. In truth, it is amongst the moderate Republicans and the Socialists that one finds the best politicians of Paris, men who know how to reason, and how to look before them. Only intelligent workmen, however, those who are honest and comparatively well off are Socialists, and these latter are ready to die in defence of the Republic, although the men who represent them have so often broken their promises.

Forgive me for taking up so much of your space in speaking of our internal political situation, but foreigners are often badly informed as to our party struggles, and it is important that you should see how things really are. The Republican party is essentially the pacific party; as long as it remains in power it will do all that is possible to remain at peace with its neighbours, notwithstanding the great army which it keeps up at our expense. On the day when the electors lose their right to speak, and the will of a Cæsar imposes itself on France, the peace of Europe will be menaced. Therefore all who love our country -and I know there are many in England-ought to pray that it may remain free. Enslaved, it is almost certainly condemned to a war, as the only mode of escaping from a civil contest. I do not, however, think that we have got to this point as yet. Boulangist and Conservative newspapers have too soon declared that they are victorious, and the Republic is not yet on the eve of going "into the sewer piece-meal," as M. de Cassagnac says. The strength of the adversaries of the Republic is to be found in the tolerance and weakness of the Government. If the latter shews energy, the Republic will be definitively founded in France, to the great advantage of peace in Europe. Whenever we have had a despotic Government it has plunged Europe in Blood. It is, therefore, to the interest of all that we should remain free, for we shall never consent to a war so long as we are masters at home. Republican France will know how to resist every aggression, but she will live at peace with her neighbours as long as they do not attack her. Free herself, she will not desire to enslave others; but in the hands of an ambitious ruler, favoured by fortune, she might become an instrument of tyranny for all Europe. L. MARILLIER.

PARIS, January, 1889.

NOTE. As we go to press, news comes of the defeat and resignation of the Government.-Ed. CONCORD.

GERMANY.

When reading the monthly reports Signor Prestini is in the happy position of giving you on the wonderful progress made by the Peace Societies established in Italy, I cannot repress a feeling of bitterness that the disposition of my countrymen renders me unable to give similar encouraging accounts.

The Italian nation holds, it is true, a more advantageous position than we do.

Situated as we are in the heart of Europe, bounded east and west by heavily armed states, and, alas! not allied to these by friendship, Germany has certainly more reason than Italy for doubting the possibility of constant peace. The German people are, therefore, more inclined than the Italians (who, to my great delight, are now our allies) to consider Utopian the idea of a League of Peace.

This circumstance, and the immense authority of Bismarck already emphasized, are, however, not the only reasons which reduce the prospects of the Peace Societies in Germany.

It is not to be denied that the union of Germany has produced, together with a heightened national feeling, a certain Chauvinism-not that Chauvinism which makes us hate other nations and incites us to reduce their territories in favour of our own.

Dr. Braun is right, no doubt, in saying in his letter inserted in the last number of CONCORD: "No one in Germany wishes for an aggressive war." I am speaking of the Chauvinism which looks down upon foreign countries, which will never condescend to own that in these anything is better than with us, and which considers every foreign opinion on Germany as a hostile attack, and treats with "national wrath" the unprejudiced German who happens to agree with this opinion. "National" is for us the clue to everything, and we forget that something exists higher than our nation, and that is humanity.

We cannot be surprised that even people who approve of our aims should consider advice given by foreign friends of peace as intrenching upon our Home Affairs, and, therefore, think it would be unpatriotic to permit this advice to be taken into consideration.

It may appear doubtful if the neutralisation of Alsace-Lorraine is really necessary or useful in the interest of peace. But men who belong to an International Association for Promoting Peace ought to feel conscious that such an Association can only be successful if its members deliberate in a friendly way, and the suggestions of each are taken into consideration. May Dr. Braun, may the entire nation, carry more in mind Fénélon's words: "J'aime mieux ma famille que moi, ma patrie que ma famille, et l'univers que ma patrie."

Luckily my report need not close with this essentially discouraging discussion, and I may add some news of a more cheerful nature. In the first instance, the great love of peace in the German nation is very encouraging. I do not exaggerate in saying that I have never met a German who expressed hatred for foreign countries or wished for war.

I must further refer to the speech of the Deputy Petri. I cannot agree with it in every instance, but the sincere desire expressed in it that there may be free intercourse with all the nations, must be appreciated.

The speech concludes with these words: "It becomes a great Empire to leave its gates as much ajar as possible."

This is the more worthy of notice as the speaker belongs to the National Liberal party, which otherwise unconditionally sides with the Government.

After the shocking manner in which the Reptile Press agitated last year against England, the British nation must now be agreeably struck with the hearty approval expressed by the Left of the House on Bismarck promising unconditional corroborative action with England in East Africa. We Liberals cannot often agree with the Chancellor, and I am glad that this rare applause on the Left should have followed Bismarck's assurance that no steps will be taken in Africa without the consent of the English Government.

This is the only consolation with reference to the plans concerning East Africa, which the Liberals must oppose, as they cannot own that fighting the negroes and semi-wild tribes is more pardonable than were civilised nations concerned.

With regard to the small amount of activity shown by the German Peace Societies, it is further comforting to observe the behaviour of the entire independent German press in connection with all questions which may endanger the existing harmony between nations.

In my last letter I advised the German peacemakers to obtain some influence on the press. I am delighted to find that our independent press is constantly anxious to treat International matters impartially, as in Sir Robert Morier's case, and on the occasion of sending Paronelli, the correspondent of the Secolo, into exile.

Of the many organs which have discussed our position with regard to foreign countries, I will only mention one, namely, Die Nation, and with the following paragraph, taken from that paper, I close my letter:

"Those of our German papers which have more and more brought upon themselves International contempt,

are always ready to add to the long list of national banishment any who dare to come to the aid of anyone pursued by the reigning authority. It makes little difference if it concerns the memory of a German Emperor, the liberty of a Conservative professor, the honour of an English ambassador, the existence of an Italian reporter, or the administrative deportation of a social democrat.

"The moral confusion of notions has made such progress that it has been declared a patriotic duty, in accusations made against foreigners, to take the part of the accuser without further investigation. This reminds one of the barbaric view of reciprocal liability taken by the members of one clan, even under the greatest injustice of their own chieftain.

"In opposition to this caricature of national feeling, we consider it our duty, without restriction, to judge with most punctilious justice in any case of International controversy in which we Germans may become involved. National honour can only thus be kept spotless, and on such basis alone can the hope be entertained of giving to the nations constant peaceable intercourse.

"The sickly national feeling which, whenever a dispute with foreign nations occurs, throws aside justice and equity, and finds only satisfaction in partiality for its own nation, is generally nothing but the outcome of moral cowardice.

"This will, so far as the nations themselves incur the blame, be the source of further unjust wars. "HERMANN FUNCKE.

"Hagen i/ Westphalia,

"February, 1889."

Translated by M. A. BLUMBERG.

ROME.

It must not be forgotten, in reviewing the events of the past few weeks, that the cause of peace has received a new accession of strength by the fervent and clearly expressed wish of King Humbert for its maintenance. In his New Year speech, no subject was dwelt on with more emphasis.

I am, of course, aware that many persons have no confidence in such utterances on the part of the Powers that be; but, at the same time, there is no doubt that King Humbert has done homage to the public opinion which, in modern States, has a more absolute reign than that of the most autocratic sovereign, and it is to be hoped that the winged words of peace will take their flight beyond the walls of the Quirinal. The new movement is but the outward expression of the deeply felt sentiment that national tranquility is the most urgent want of the Italian people.

However much opinion may vary on this latter point, the fact remains that the greatest energy is shown in every part of Italy for the movement whose object is to deprecate the tendencies (real or imaginary) of any policy unfavourable to the maintenance of peace. Even the refusal of Parliament to provide funds which occasioned the resignation of the minister, Signor Magliani, and the subsequent changes in the cabinet, did not excite as much discussion as did the provision for military requirements, and this because of the peace sentiment to which I have alluded.

I cannot, without occupying greater space in CONCORD than is at my disposal, do more than give a bird's eye view of our movement in the Peninsula. The parent association in England cannot but be aware that we have issued many circulars and manifestoes, resulting in the formation of committees in every part of Italy, which will diffuse the ideas of the London Committee. Great things are expected from the forthcoming meeting in Rome, where, as in Milan and Lombardy generally, the constitution of one committee follows another, as do the meetings. The most advanced group taking part in the work consists, of course, of the democrats,

who have shown great energy and cordiality; but, all through, the question of politics has been as much as possible kept out of sight; though the proceedings of meetings held could not fail to be more or less modified by the political opinion of those who have summoned and conduct them. This being granted and understood, the principal motive is everywhere the same, i.e., hatred of war, and an appeal to politicians and to the people for its extinction. Although in North Italy and amongst the democratic party, the agitation appears most vigorous and constant, it must be remembered that adhesions come in steadily also from Sicily and Sardinia. An instance of this may be found in a book lately published in Rome, in which the writer, whose sentiments are moderate, and even Conservative, expresses a warm conviction of the necessity of the efforts made by the peace party. Signor Emmanuele Lotti, to whose pamphlet I allude, particularly advises a close union of the Latin races, and deprecates any possibility of a fratricidal struggle between them. This view of the situation is adopted by many persons and societies who have joined the Milan Committee, amongst them the Society of Comrades-in-Arms of Garibaldi. If I mention Colonel Missori in this connection, the French Democratic influence will be seen to be present.

It would be superfluous to give my English readers names unknown to them, but I cannot refrain from mentioning amidst the numerous patriotic democrats of Lombardy, Professor Colombo, Deputy for the city of Milan, belonging to the moderate school of politics, which, however, in this matter of peace, has cast aside its ancient traditions. At a reunion given this evening by the Circolo Popolare at Milan, I came across Professor Colombo and heard him demonstrate, by means of unshakable arguments, the great expenditure and the uncertainty of an armed policy. He said :"I hope that our foreign policy is proportioned to the economical resources possessed by us." He earnestly advocated the adoption of a policy similar to that of Señor Castelar, which, he urged, was for the best interests of Spain, and as a proof he cited the instance of the Caroline Islands. This opinion, emanating from a learned professor and Deputy, such as Professor Colombo, deserves attention, for he is well-known to be patriotic, stable in his ideas, and logical in argument. These characteristics appear in his essays, one of which he has dedicated to the treatment of the Peace Question. VITTORE PRESTINI.

January, 1889.

CORRESPONDENCE.

THE UNITED STATES OF EUROPE.

[To the Editor of CONCORD.]

SIR,-To an American onlooker, the key to the European political puzzle is presented in the above phrase. The doctrine of the divine right of kings— the many existing to benefit the one-being exploded, there remains no obvious obstacle to the realisation of Victor Hugo's cherished dream of the United States of Europe.

With this realisation would come the solution of all the knotty problems now imperilling the peace of Europe. The Polish and Bulgarian questions would cease to perturb an unaggressive Russia; AlsaceLorraine, as an independent state, need be neither an embitterment and goad to French politicians, nor a thorn in the side of Germany; and Irish Home Rule would no longer be a menace to the United Kingdom. Nihilism, moreover, and disaffection of all kinds would disappear under a European government " of the people, by the people, and for the people." Russia could add to the 1d. per head now spent in education the 10s. per head now lavished on a wanton militarism. The labour of her disbanded soldiery could be devoted to

her much-needed internal improvement; and every European State, in following suit, would renew the face of the old world.

To one living in this cosmopolitan country the advantages of the plan are so apparent, and the difficulties so nominal, that the marvel is the present irrational system has so long survived any possible previous utility. It is idle to talk of certain races being unfit for a government by the whole people! What is a monarch but one of those very people? It is idle to talk of ineradicable race antipathies and implacable national hates! In this County of Monterey we have a community of Mexicans, Americans, French, Portuguese, Indians, Italians, Germans, Canadians, English, all amenable to the same laws, and living in perfect harmony under one government. None dreams of any internecine feud with his fellow of another nation such as is presumed to inhere in old-world denizens. Obviously men's governmental wants are identical everywhere. The pseudo-patriotism of neighbour-hating is a diseased growth, easily sloughed off in a healthy political atmosphere, undarkened by the ill-omened thunderclouds of militarism.

It cannot be too strongly urged that war is the game of kings, played ever at the expense of peoples. Peoples are

"Jest the grist thet goes into war's hoppers,

Leftenants is the lowest grade that helps pick up the coppers.” So the abolition of war must be a people's movement. "This our craft is in danger!" unites soldier and sailor, diplomatist and placeman. No wonder, then, that International Arbitration has an uphill fight. The powers that be are arrayed against us, knowing that the establishment of a Court of Arbitration practically means "The United States of Europe." Free Trade is a potent factor on our side, and I feel proud that the U.S.A. have lately pronounced, by 100,000, majority in favour thereof.

Finally, we are apt to overlook the fact of an already extant central jurisdiction over many nationalities. The possibility of one rule over many nations is proved by the many centuries of Papal regulation of churches of every tongue and nation. What can be worked in the interests of a church can also be a success in politics. EDWARD BERWICK.

Carmel Valley, Monterey Co.,
California, January 8th, 1889.

THE MILAN PEACE MEETING.

[To the Editor of CONCORD.]

SIR,-The action of the Italian and French lower classes (so-called) shows that they are about to take the contract of enforcing peace on their respective nations into their own hands-the Christian Church being in a double sense a "Militant " one. As soon as the men who don't make the quarrels, but who have the fighting to do, learn the trick of compelling their rulers to cease war, the sooner these militant sects and their priests will learn the trick of preaching "peace on earth and good-will to men," instead of battle, murder, and sudden death. War-to use American metaphor (slang being only metaphor that has not, as yet, become "Good form, you know")-war is "played out," and militarism as a dominant force in society, like the Chinese, "must go." In addition to "Ave Marias," let us sing "Hail, Peace!" What the ruling classes don't know, the men who carry the musket are fast learning; and it will be well for the so-called aristocrats to learn how to govern without war before these muskets are levelled at them. Stolid conservatism begets revolution; and if the would-be Cæsars will not learn the lesson mildly presented by Herbert Spencer, the "food-for-powder classes will teach them it rudely.-Yours,

HORACE J. SMITH, of Philadelphia, U.S.A. Montreux, Switzerland, January 17th, 1889.

THE WOMEN'S COMMITTEE.

[To the Editor of CONCORD.]

SIR-It appeared to me, when attending the annual meeting of the Women's Committee a few days ago, that due notice was not taken of the very great services which had, during the preceding fifteen months, been rendered by the hon. secretary, Miss Mangan. Those present can hardly have been aware of the labour which has fallen upon her. I happen to know that she has, from the first foundation of our committee, ungrudingly sacrificed her time and professional engagements to the duties of her post. Her exertions in organising the meeting of school teachers involved great labour, and were made with remarkable energy and with excellent judgment. There have been also several other meetings which she organised, and she has done her best to bring our cause before Women's Liberal Associations. At two meetings of the latter she was, at very short notice, invited to take the place of speakers unable to attend ; and I hear that, although she had never performed this duty before, she acquitted herself admirably.

Too often, when some of us have been rather halfhearted, she has always shown herself ready, cheerful, and hopeful. I suspect, too, that she has been much too generous in incurring small expenses for travelling, postage, &c, for which, I believe, she refused to be reimbursed. In a word, I am certain that the Committee could not have been carried on at all without the devotion and energy of Miss Mangan. It is but a simple act of justice, therefore, to say this; and I hope, Sir, that you will insert my communication in your next number.-Yours truly, A.

THE WOMEN'S COMMITTEE.

THE Annual Meeting of this Committee was held on the 5th inst., at the Charing Cross Hotel, when Mrs. Felix Moscheles presided. Miss Monica Mangan, the Hon. Secretary, having read a report of the work done, and of projects of further work proposed, during the fifteen months of the Committee's operations, the report was approved and adopted. It was further resolved that it should be circulated among all members of the General and of the Executive Committee. A hearty vote of thanks to Miss Mangan for her excellent services was then adopted. It was also resolved to be highly desirable that a President should be appointed, and that, until this were carried out, the kind offer of Miss Mills to preside at the meetings was accepted with thanks. Miss Mangan was then re-appointed as Hon. Secretary. At the close of these proceedings, the members proceeded to confer as to various suggestions for the future work of the Committee, which had been suggested in a printed letter from Mr. Hodgson Pratt. Those suggestions, and some others, are printed below for subsequent consideration. It was thought desirable to adjourn the conference to another day for this purpose, and in order that the future relations of the Committee to the proposed new association, founded upon the amalgamation of this and another society, might be ascertained before entering upon fresh work.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE WORK OF THE WOMEN'S COMMITTEE.

(I.) The education of the young. How are changes in regard to historical teaching to be carried out? (II.) International education.

(III.) Organisation of Womens' Committees of Peace and Arbitration in other countries. Commencement of correspondence with women of other countries who may be inclined to pursue these subjects.

(IV.) International Conferences of Women at London, Paris, Milan, Switzerland, and other places.

(V.) Formation of a sub-committee, having the special duty of supplying articles, reviews, and paragraphs to

the general papers of England and other countries, in regard to the question of peace, and the diminution of International jealousies.

(VI.) Consideration as to steps necessary for holding a Womens' Congress at the Exhibition.

(VII.) Proposal to raise a fund of a hundred guineas to be spent in prizes, and in printing essays on such subjects as "How can Women best promote a Spirit of National Amity and Mutual Respect?"

(VIII.) Steps to be taken for entering into corre spondence with women in America on this subject. (IX.) The advisability of holding frequent meetings of the character of drawing-room meetings, for the purpose of enlisting new members.

(X.) Hours and days of Committee meetings. (XI.) Formation of sub-committees.

(XII.) How to obtain new members for the General and Executive Committees.

(XIII.) Is it desirable to form branches in provincial towns?

(XIV.) Correspondence with existing Womens' Committees with a view to local conferences.

(XV.) The scheme of local branches instituted by the Association. How can women assist in their constitution, and in promoting the meetings about to be held for this purpose?

(XVI.) What are the precise forms of work which the Committee can and should undertake?

(XVII.) What obstacles fetter the action of the Committee, and how they should be overcome?

(XVIII.) In what way can the number of members be increased?

(XIX.) What division of labour can be arranged?

(XX.) How can the Committee best obtain the cooperation of the public, and make their aim and work known?

(XXI.) What reasons have caused irregular and inadequate attendance at meetings, and how can this evil be remedied?

(XXII.) Would the Women's Committee be stronger and more successful if constituted independently of the Parent Association, with its own funds, and with literature of its own?

CONVERSAZIONE.

ON Tuesday evening, 22nd January, a conversazione of the members and friends of the Association was held in the Galleries of the Society of British Artists, Suffolk Street, Pall Mall. Among those present were Mr. and Mrs. Hodgson Pratt, Dr. and Mrs. Pankhurst, Mr. and Mrs. Martin Wood, Mr. W. Fooks, Mr. W. R. Cremer, M.P., Mr. S. S. Tayler, Mr. and Mrs. Cotton Minchin, Mr. W. Hazell, Rev. W. Evans Darby (Secretary, Peace Society), Major de Winton, Signor T. Pagliardini, Mr. and Mrs. William Phillips, Mr. John Fell (Leamington), Mr. and Miss Gonne, Mr. and Mrs. R. Stapley, Mr. and Mrs. A. W. Hutton, Mr. and Mrs. Westrope, Mr. Richard Eve, Miss Peppercorn, Mrs. Southey, Miss Mangan, Signor Volprignano, Mr. and Mrs. Henry Holiday, Miss Mary Hart, and many others. Addresses on the work of the Association were given by Mr. Hodgson Pratt, Dr. Pankhurst, and Mr. William Fooks. During the evening some admirable musical selections, vocal and instrumental, were given by Madame Paggi-Silas, Miss Josephine Paggi, Miss Anita Paggi, and Signor L. G. Paggi; and recitations by Miss Linda Paggi.

A very enjoyable evening was spent, and we can only regret that there were not more present to hear the eloquent speeches of the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the Committee, which evidently made a deep impression on all who had the privilege of listening to them.

AMERICAN TRIBUNAL OF ARBITRATION.

THE following letter is being sent out to jurists
in England and on the Continent. We shall
be glad if its publication in these columns may
lead to its consideration by any to whom it may
not have been sent:-
--

"INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION AND PEACE
ASSOCIATION.

"Offices: 40 & 41, Outer Temple, Strand,
"London, W.C.
"February, 1889.

"DEAR SIR,-You are aware, perhaps, that a Congress of Representatives from the various States of North and South America will, in all probability, be convened by the President of the United States at an early date.

"The object is to consider the creation of a permanent tribunal for the decision of all questions which may arise at any future time between such States.

"The remarkable and exceptional importance of this Congress, which may have great and enduring influences, induces us to invite some well-known jurists to make any suggestions which they may think would be useful in the conduct of the deliberations. Indeed, we have received from our American correspondents a request that we should endeavour to obtain communications relating to the constitution and operations of such a tribunal.

"Amongst the questions which perhaps you would consider it useful to notice, are the following:

"Shall the tribunal be like our Supreme Court-as it was when organised to consider only differences between the States-a permanent tribunal? Or shall it be like the provision of the Confederate Governmentthe predecessor of the Federal Government-created for each difficulty between the States, as it might occur?

Shall there be one judge only from each nation? How shall he be appointed? How long shall he serve? How shall he be compensated? Shall the judges of nations involved in the controversy be excluded from the Court when it is determined? Who shall plead before this Court? Under what rules? Those of our Supreme Court? How shall its decrees be enforced?

Hoping to be favoured with your advice and suggestions, We are, dear Sir, yours faithfully,

"HODGSON PRATT, Chairman.

"J. FREDERICK GREEN, Secretary."

S. TEODORO MONETA'S PRIZE.

It will be remembered by our readers that in January, 1888, the distinguished editor of Il Secolo, announced that he invited men of all countries to write essays on the following subject, and that he offered a Prize of 1,000 fr. for the best. The latest date for sending in papers was the 31st December last; and we are now glad to learn that no less than fortyone competitors are in the field. Of these twenty-four are in Italian, fourteen in French, two in Russian, and one in Dutch; and the essays come from the United States of America, Russia, Sweden, Holland, England, France, Belgium, Switzerland, Austria and Italy. The following gentlemen have accepted the task of examining the Essays:-Dr. T. Massarani, Senator R. Bonghi, Deputy G. Mussi, Signor G.

Rosa, Professor Vigano, and Deputy Angelo Mazzoleni. The Essay to which the prize is awarded will be published in French and in Italian.

PROGRESS OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT IN ITALY.

WE continue to receive almost daily reports of the very remarkable demonstrations of the Lombard people in favour of peace. They constitute a great political event, of which, strangely enough, our English press takes no notice. We give a report of a meeting at Vigevano, as a sample of scores of others.

On this occasion, the Hon. Boldrini, President of the Council, presided. Signor A. Mazzoleni, M.P., and Signor E. T. Moneta, represented the Lombard Union, and were supported by many well-known public men. No less than sixteen working men's and other societies sent their delegates. Signor Boldrini opened the proceedings by saying with what pleasure he saw every part of Lombardy represented in the peace movement, and in what a cordial spirit of fraternity men of all political opinions had combined for the preservation of tranquility. The cause of peace was essentially that of progress, and, as such, deserved universal support. Amongst the letters which had been received from deputies and others, was one from Aurelio Saffi, who expressed his conviction that the two Latin races, France and Italy, were indissolubly united. Captain S. Ernesto Volpi, and S. Mazzoleni, M.P., spoke of the pressing necessity of maintaining good relations with France. Professor Attilio Butti and Signor Moneta spoke to the same effect, the latter observing that armies of defence, not of offence, ought to be maintained. Citizens should be able to defend themselves, and boys and youths trained in military exercises for that purpose. He also remarked that he had spoken with many Frenchmen on the subject of war, and it was certain that France desired nothing of the kind.

an official expression of opinion on the part of the Committee was then read by Signor Boldrini, to the effect that recourse to arms between nations was no more justifiable than between individuals, except for purposes of defence. It was further declared that special alliances, offensive and defensive, between States were to be deprecated, because they were dictated by special interests and passions. It was much to be desired that an International Tribunal should be created for the defence of the Confederate States of Europe.

The meeting then concluded, and later in the day Professor Butti gave a discourse, in which he said that the soldiers who died in Africa ought not to be regarded as martyrs, but as the victims of a political adventurer. WE learn from Il Secolo that the Florentine Peace Committee has issued a special manifesto, stating that common interests and perils link Italy to States which, by their origin and nature, prefer peace to war; and that all the newly-created committees must incessantly declare publicly the need of International amity.

GOOD NEWS FROM SPAIN AND
PORTUGAL.

Ir is reported that Salmeron Pi y Margall and Ruiz Zorilla are taking steps to organise a great Peace Congress at Madrid. For some time past Señor Zorilla, who is in Paris, has been in correspondence with the Portuguese Peace Committee, which is represented at Paris by Señor Zaverio di Carvalho, the well-known publicist.