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"HOSTILITIES that are not of the nature of war," is one of the sinister phrases that bid fair to leave some dark blots on the history of the latter decades of the nineteenth century. Being intrepreted, that sophistical phrase we have quoted applies-alike to the incident of a strong power using force with more or less of palaver to overcome a weaker nation, which can offer no effective resistance; and to the still more numerous instances of attacking and outdoing indigenous races armed only with the bow and spear. It is in regard to these scandals of our time that the honest and humane principles of the British people need to be revived and strengthened. The laxity that has crept over many of our public and infected the press in respect of the rights of weaker nations and brown men generally, is one of the moral cankers of our time. In the fashionable guise of Chartered Companies-hailed as angels of light by company promoters and merchants thirsty for new markets-this evil and demoralising influence demands the closest criticism; and seeing these licences to conquer and confiscate are granted by Royal (that is irresponsible executive authority) every subject of the Crown is responsible for the deeds that may be done under these charters and licences granted for the object of private profit. There have been already too many instances of what may be expected from the régime of authorised filibustering; and here is one related by W. L. Fotheringham (author of " Adventures in Nyassaland "), who was an agent of the African Lakes Company, one of these reckless corporations which nearly drew us into a disgraceful war with the Portuguese. Here is the narrative:

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"One day we were on the point of destroying a village two hours from Kanvoli's, when the chief of the village, by name Katumbé, came into the station preferring to be our friend and child. We told him, if he continued to be our friend, we would not march against him, but he must prove his friendship by refusing to help our enemies. He promised to do so, but failed to keep his word. The habit of the Arabs was to plunder and catch slaves in Ngana, retiring to deposit their booty with Katumbé, preparatory to a fresh raid. How our men put out Katumbé is rather a ghastly detail. They entered his stockaded village with professions of friendship, and stayed overnight. Next morning they asked Katumbé to assemble his men before them. Immediately they were drawn

up in line the visitors carefully scanned them, and then, quick as thought, raised their rifles and fired. I confess I shuddered to hear of such treachery on the part of our men. They certainly took the easiest, the most cunning, and most effective way of destroying Katumbe's, but I could not approve of the method."

We are not aware that this ghastly episode has been denied or even called in question. It has been commented on in Truth, and we have seen no repudiation by the company, nor indeed any question about it raised in Parliament. As the editor of that journal very justly remarks, "We are not responsible for the acts of the Arabs, but we are responsible for those of forces of companies to whom vast tracts of Africa are given over by royal charter." This responsibility is one that our public men must bear the weight of if they continue to ignore these atrocious transactions. Also it is one of the special duties of our Association, that while we denounce the military nations of the Continent, who arm themselves against equals with more or less cause, for us to press on the conscience of the British public the shame of being "sleeping partners" in these systematic raids against helpless Africans, or ignorant hill tribes beyond the borders of India.

As to further proceedings on behalf of this lawless company at a much later date, a question was asked by the Member for York on the 4th. In this case that fighting Consul, Mr. Commissioner Johnston, appears to have been directly concerned; but the killing was not all on one side, so that the Foreign Office had to give a circumstantial statement of the case; and we leave our leaders to make the best they can of Mr. J. W. Lowther's explanation, which appeared in the papers of the 5th. Mr. Johnston's ing Yasaf was that the latter had recommended excuse, it seems, was that "his reason for attackslave raids against the people on the river Shiré." systematic brigandage on behalf of these moneyIt is one of the humiliating incidents of this grubbing companies, that the public is being cajoled and hood-winked by this contemptible cant as to "putting down the slave trade," which turns up at every verse, in prospectuses, Ministerial orations, and clap trap leading articles. "Beelzebub casting out Beelzebub" is not a line of policy in accord with that "righteousness that alone exalteth nation." There are far better ways of putting down slavery-even if we had any charter from heaven to undertake that duty; but these other ways demand the use of brains, judgment, and patience, not the "easiest way" of shot and shell.

THE ARMAMENTS OF FRANCE still grow, in spite of the heavy load of debt hardly endured by its people, and notwithstanding consistent protests from a few clear-sighted Frenchmen--of whom

our vigilant correspondent, M. Léon Marillier, makes mention from time to time-who see more excellent ways to defend the territory, and even restore its integrity, than that of piling up armaments, which, while they impoverish the people, excite jealousy, invite attack, and perpetuate the "isolation of France." But, meantime, the costly defiant policy flourishes, and here is the evidence thereof as given by the able and energetic Minister of War:

"M. de Freycinet then went on to refer to the progress made by the army while he had been at the Ministry of War, enumerating as examples the establishment of seventeen battalions, forty squadrons, and thirty-five batteries of the first line, together with the creation of mixed regiments, and said that all these improvements had been carried out with insufficient means. Finally, the minister declared that the army had never been more efficiently officered, and that the commanders deserved the confidence which he reposed in them. If this confidence were impaired he would not remain at the War Ministry. (Prolonged applause.)"

This is grand, no doubt; but it is not the note of the highest class of statesmanship, and France must raise her ideals in that respect. They might, possibly, find some exemplars amongst the followers of the noble leaders of 1848, and of the Bordeaux Assembly. These have of late rallied under the leadership of M. Camille Peletan, who in a recent manifesto says:-"You would have no hatred, no persecution, no reprisals." We are aware this refers mainly to the internal politics of France; but some men of genius-and France has never wanted such -might raise these sentiments into the region of foreign policy. Then we might hope to see a new era arise, in which the piling up of defiant armaments would appear, as it really is, a mere vulgar expedient.

MILITARISM RAMPANT.-Our readers will have noticed in the newspapers the account of one civilian being shot and another wounded by a sentry in Berlin. It appears the man who was shot bad insulted and threatened the sentry, but the other man who was wounded was an innocent passer by who was also struck by the bullet. Now it must seem to Englishmen rather curious that a sentry should be allowed to shoot down unharmed citizens merely because he considered himself insulted, for it is not alleged that the life of the sentry was in any danger. But the sequel will strike most people dumb with horror and amazement, for instead of being censured for his rashness, the sentry has actually been promoted to the rank of corporal. This is about the most eloquent comment on the barbarism of the iron rule of military discipline which we have yet heard. As the Daily Chronicle said in commenting on this incident, "To single out for honour a man who in this and most countries would be regarded as

little better than a murderer, is a proceeding so brutally unjustifiable that it passes comprehension." We hope to hear of some protest from the more liberal spirits in Germany. Surely the principles of the men of 1848 are not entirely forgotten.

OUR FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE.

FRANCE.

THE peace movement seems to be entering on a new phase. Perchance we are reaching at last the goal so long dreamed of; perchance we are on the eve of seeing the beginning of the era of justice and concord, which all the workers of Europe and America so ardently desire. On 26th March the Deputy Liebknecht said from the tribune of the Reichstag that the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine was at once a crime and a political mistake, that it was for the Alsatians and Lorrainers to decide their own destiny. He said these things, and no one expressed indignation, nor cried out on his treason and infamy. The Baroness von Suttner has had an enthusiastic reception in Germany. She has given to the new Review, which she has started, the significant title Down with the Arms, without the Government interfering and severely condemning these imprudent people, who, forgetful of the speeches of the emperor, opposed the policy of war and conquest. The old Marshal, the apostle of war, must have groaned in his grave with indignation and despair. Signor Moneta has addressed to the Congress of Red Cross Societies a pathetic appeal which has a great chance of being listened to. "It is beautiful," says he, "it is humane and wise to endeavour to make the lot of the wounded less cruel, to repair the rents which war makes in the sacred body of humanity; but how much wiser, more beautiful, and more humane to consecrate a little of this energy, a little of this persevering effort, to destroying the common enemy of man-war, cruel and absurd war!" Here also there is an awaking. At the annual meeting of the Société Française pour l'Arbitrage entre Nations last year we had great difficulty in bringing together a few of the most zealous of our members. This year 400 people crowded to hear the brilliant allocution of our president, Frédéric Passy, ever youthful in spite of his white locks, and the powerful speech of Senator Trarieux, one of the members of our Council. We are going to resume the popular meetings which we inaugurated last year, and already M. Eschenauer, one of the veterans of our cause, has delivered a vigorous address in favour of arbitration and peace to the members of a society over which he presides. The Press is beginning to notice us; the Figaro and the Temps speak of our efforts and speak of them without irony-with a sympathy which is becoming every day more marked. The young men-all those who are working in the laboratories and libraries, and who to-morrow will be directing the opinion and the government of the countrythe young men are with us; the new literary school has abjured the narrow patriotism, the blind cult of the army army as a grandmotherly superstition, unworthy of noble hearts and elevated souls. And a few weeks ago M. Lavisse, the man who, since the deaths of Gambetta and Paul Bert, has incarnated all the ideas of national

pride, the man who has laboured to make patriotism a kind of religion, addressed a powerful appeal to the Belgian students, vibrating with a living passion for justice, urging them to work with the men of goodwill of all nations for the conclusion of a pacific entente between Germany and France on the question of AlsaceLorraine. There would then be a great appeasement, and it may be that the next Peace Congress, the Con

gress at Berne, will mark an important date in the history of humanity. But it is a good time to speak on this question of Alsace; it has been passed over in silence too long; it is certain that, if not at the congress, at least round about the congress, men speak of it boldly, and that men are found who dare to say aloud what everybody is thinking in his heart. But it is neither Frenchmen nor Germans who can discuss the question, who can above all discuss such a question together. Herr Liebknecht said openly from the tribune what required courage for a German to proclaim, but it is not for Germans, judges and parties at the same time, to take part in seeking for the bases of an acceptable transaction; Frenchmen can do nothing but wait and by reflecting on and studying the facts without passion, render themselves capable of examining in cold blood the propositions which may be made to them. It is for other nations, above all for neutral nations, for those whose position can make them impartial, as for example England or the United States, to take the initiative. The governments doubtless cannot yet dream of intervening by offering mediation which would not be accepted-it is too soon for that; the question is not even ripe for being placed on the agenda of a Congress; the members of an Inter-parliamentary Conference dare not discuss it, they would be afraid in spite of the official character of their meeting of in some measure committing their governments. But might not an arrangement be made by some other means for a meeting in a hallwhere there would be a president-and to which the representatives of the Press would have free access? Would it not be easy for some enlightened and courageous men, free at once from prejudices and illusions, among the Swiss and English, Belgians and Americans, Norwegians, Danes and Spaniards, to meet quietly, and examine together in a spirit of equity the claims of the inhabitants of the annexed provinces, the complaints of France, the fears of Germany? Is it not clear that if they should succeed in agreeing on a common opinion, they would, in a few years succeed in imposing this opinion on the Press, that it would then be right that the question should be placed before the conferences and congresses? Can it be supposed that the solution which had appeared just to the international parliament which is being gradually constituted, could be scornfully rejected by the two interested Powers without their for ever falling into disrepute ? It would be quite different in negotiations in discussing with each other, trying to come to an agreement; the difficulty is to take the first step on this road, but safety is at the end-assured safety. Let no one say-Let everybody attend to his own business, or rather let him say so loudly. To lay the foundations of the reign of justice, to crush the military régime under which all civilised nations are being suffocated, is the business of all Europe, is the business of all who think, of all those, also, who labour, and who see their efforts to make a living rendered powerless against this dome of brass which the hand of the men of war has set up on the world. Let us do our own business ourselves, we have too long entrusted it to diplomats and generals, who have done it admirably for themselves. The people are after all the masters; the time has come for them to take the command; they too often forget this. L. MARILLIER.

Paris, April, 1892.

[Translated by J. F. G.]

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THE INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION SOCIETY OF FRANCE.

ANNUAL MEETING.

WE are glad to learn from La Paix that our fellowworkers at Paris have had a successful field-day— three hundred persons being present. Our own Association sent them a letter of good wishes, and they received similar communications from Milan and Vienna. The Hon. Secretary, Dr. Charles Richet and the Chairman, M. Frederic Passy, opened the proceedings. The latter announced as new adherents several distinguished Frenchmen, and congratulated the Society upon the progress of the movement in Europe, referring especially to the work of the Baroness Von Suttner. M. Trarieux, Member of the Senate, defended the friends of peace from the charge of want of patriotism, saying that, while they would never neglect the defence of their country, they demanded that the régime of war should cease and a truer civilisation be founded. He declared that the time had come when the peoples must be relieved from the terrible yoke of war. Universal suffrage would, ere long, be on the side of this idea, and those with whom rested the responsibility of making war would take full account of that public opinion. "Our policy is that of life, as opposed to the policy of death."

THE BARONESS VON SUTTNER IN BERLIN.

THE brilliant and gifted authoress of Down with Arms is rendering an immense service to Europe. Her book, like "Uncle Tom's Cabin," is an event in modern history, through its influence in forming that great modern force "Public Opinion." Most men and women of literary genius are content with the power which they yield with the pen, and they have neither disposition nor fitness for descending into the arena of personal effort to become speakers or organisers. Bertha von Suttner is an exception. She has not been satisfied with a great triumph in a noble cause, through her famous book, circulating widely in Germany, Scandinavia, and Russia. Taking advantage of the feeling she had thus aroused, she at once gave it a concrete form by founding a peace society in Vienna, which in a few weeks obtained 3,000 members. Then she appeared at the Peace Congress at Rome, and exercised a marked influence by her addresses, as full of wisdom as they were of enthusiasm. Everyone who heard her felt instinctively "we are in the presence of a new and unexpected leader, who will sensibly advance the cause in Europe." And now she carries her persuasive voice from Vienna to Berlin, that centre of military power. In the capital of the German empire, it has been difficult to advocate peace without seeming to ignore the need of defence from foreign enemies. Nevertheless, here also this remarkable woman has received a hearty welcome, and has won the suffrages of men of mark, alike in literature and politics. PHIL.

The banquet held in her honour was attended by 250 ladies and gentlemen, under the presidency of Friedrich Spielhagen, and included Dr. Baumbach, vice-president of the Reichstag. After a thoughtful speech by the former, the guests were addressed by Dr. Theodore Barth, member of the German Parliament. He very appropriately commenced his speech by bearing testimony to the service rendered to society by those who feared the reproach of striving after Utopian aims, and what are called "unpractical ideals." Just as, sixty years ago, to advocate the abolition of slavery

in America was considered disgraceful, so the idea of universal peace was, at the present day, considered preposterous. While he himself did not consider this hope as capable of immediate realisation, he thought that efforts on its behalf conduced to the morality and happiness of nations. This movement would not come from members of Parliament, but from the peoples, among whom this civilising idea would take firm root.

In the course of a speech in which she thanked her hosts, Mdme. de Suttner said :-"My part in this work has been a feeble one, but I have laboured honestly; that is why I am so royally rewarded to-day. I hope that an echo of this fête will reach our fellow-citizens; by that I mean all those on this side and on the other of the Rhine, on this and the other side of the ocean, beyond the frontiers of all countries and classes. I want all our fellow-citizens to know that a company of the élite of the capital of Germany has honoured a simple woman, a foreigner, solely for her devotion to the cause of peace. Since you applaud a work called Down with Arms since you approve the efforts which led me to the Peace Congress of Rome-you raise those efforts to the rank of an ideal that may be realised."

The visit of the Baroness von Suttner to Berlin had its origin in an invitation she received from the great novelist Spielhagen to read, in public, passages from her celebrated book. Her reading took place at the Palace of Architecture, under the auspices of the Journalistic Club, and more than a thousand persons were unable to gain admission, so great was the desire felt to see and hear the distinguished authoress. The Empress Frederick had engaged fifteen seats for herself and friends, but was, at the last moment, prevented from attending by the death of the Grand Duke of Hesse.

THE PREVENTION OF WAR.

From Die Nation.

IN a recent speech, which contained a strange mixture of scepticism and enthusiasm, an intellectual German physician propounded the theory that the latest task of medical science was not to cure disease, but, a much higher aim, to prevent disease. And so "prophylactic "i.e., preventive science, which is to make us less liable to fall ill-has a great and glorious future before it.

If that physician had been a politician he would have had to take his place with those men who, in treating international questions, says, "prevention is better than cure." The worst international disease is war. We have no radical remedy for it at the present

time, and once war, like an epidemic, breaks

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out, it demands its innumerable victims with terrible ferocity. All that the art of political physicians has been able to direct against this most terrible enemy of civilisation in the way of useful remedies has been found in "prophylactic" treatment. we must do is to diminish as much as possible the centres of infection, to isolate as effectively as possible those who break out in disease, whilst at the same time we must strengthen mind and body, so that any slight attack of fever may not develop into a dangerous delirium.

The means to attain the end in view are manifold, and as they have the advantage of not being coercive remedies, and because they cannot either be denounced as radical remedies, there are many people who do not believe in any possible progress, because progress can necessarily only be slow and modest amid so many retrograde movements. The motto of these people, who have evidently learnt nothing from the history of human progress, is Everything or nothing. According to them men might still be wild animals, living in caves or on trees, whilst really they have, like busy

ants, slowly erected a very handsome part of the great mansion of civilisation.

One of the least significant, and yet, perhaps, not ineffective remedies for war, is to keep on speaking about peace, reciting all those separate facts which go to prove that the tendency of our times is more and more towards the idea of peaceful intercourse. How does this tendency among the various nations originate? Why, you first find a few, maintaining that there is a certain goal to be reached; they repeat their ideas with such persistency and such conviction that others join them, and soon a formidable army is gathered together.

There is a good deal of force in the expression of certain opinions, and so the popular saying that "you must not paint the devil on the wall" has a lot of meaning. In our case we must continually write "Peace" on the wall; and even if people don't see any meaning in it, that should not prevent us doing our utmost to direct public attention to our desired goal. Our reason in doing so is not an unimportant one, especially when a principle is involved.

Doubtless, it will be admitted that quarrels arising out of the interpretation of commercial treaties-i.e., quarrels about written agreements concerning material interests should be submitted to the impartial judgment of a third party. As long as only material interests are at stake, settlement is easy; but when so-called-or even real-ideal interests, such as national honour, in all the glory of its varied colours, or where national independence is concerned, the case at once becomes complicated, and is often not to be healed. We need not fear that differences of opinion concerning treaties of commerce between Germany and Austria, or between Germany, Switzerland, and Italy, would lead to serious consequences. And when, in connection herewith, it is thought good policy to create a precedent for a principle, against which nobody has any valid objections, we think this points to the one fact that the principle must be an excellent one, and must be capable of further extension in other spheres of life. It is the old story of the egg of Columbus: the matter looks simple enough, but somebody must be found to do it.

And it is being done in some of the European States, in connection with the signing of commercial treaties. The German-Liberals in the Austrian Parliament, and the advanced Liberals in the German Parliament, are pressing their respective governments to insert in their treaties a clause for the settlement of differences of opinion by arbitration. The Italian parliamentarians are doing the same in Rome for the treaties with Berlin; whilst in the case of Switzerland and Belgium no difficulties whatever are expected. The important point is to provide all treaties with a clause as mentioned above, so that gradually it will be as impossible to conclude international treaties without an arbitral clause as it is natural to say 66 Amen" at the end of a prayer. Needless to say, this would be a great step in advance.

The co-operation of parliamentarians of different countries can moreover be looked at from another point of view. When after the death of Lasker, the Congress of the United States sent a message of sympathy, Prince Bismarck managed to prevent this document from reaching its destination. He did not want the Liberals to go "fishing" with the dead Lasker, as he put it tersely in one of his cynical moods. But he wanted to prevent something else; he did not wish the two governments- or rather their parliaments-to have such close personal relations. Prince Bismarck always liked parliament to be a useful tool in his hand, not an institution full of independent life.

There are a number of interests and aspirations common to all civilised nations; what then is more natural than that parliamentarians, who have to take so great a part in the life of their nation, should try to

arrive at mutual understanding, just as learned and scientific societies in the various countries already do? Of course some old-fashioned folks will shake their heads at such innovations, and we must confess that these international aspirations would be condemned to failure from the first, it they were directed against the government of their country. A parliament that can only bring its own government to its senses by outside aid runs the risk of complicating matters, so that just the opposite to what they wish will happen. One condition for these aspirations-on practical grounds—is that they should follow on the lines taken by the national policy of their own country-i.e., a policy of the people and the government together. That being the case, there is bound to be valuable progress in international "prophylactic" methods, in the spontaneous co-operation of parliamentarians from the different countries.

[Translated by Mr. C. WEISS.]

ITEMS.

IT is always an encouragement in the midst of our arduous and difficult work to find that it meets with some appreciation. It is, therefore, with much pleasure that we quote the following from the Messiah's Kingdom, a kindred paper to our own: "Several excellent numbers of CONCORD have recently been published, and this paper has become an admirable exponent of peace principle sin their juristic and economic aspects. It specially adapts itself to foreign readers. We can cordially recommend it to all who wish to keep abreast of the peace movements."

THE HUMANITARIAN LEAGUE.-This excellent society "has been established in the belief that the promulgation of a high and positive system of morality in the conduct of life, in all its aspects, is one of the greatest needs of the time." The League will especially protest not only against the cruelties inflicted by men on men, in the name of law, authority, and conventional usage, but also against the wanton ill-treatment of the lower animals. We are glad also to notice the following paragraph in the manifesto of the League: "It will deprecate the various provocations and incentives to aggressive warfare, and will point to the evils that result from the ever-increasing array of military and naval armaments." Communications relating to the League may be addressed to the hon. secretary, 38, Gloucester Road, Regent's Park, N.W.

"What a modest little request the Duke of Cambridge made on Saturday. The administration of the army has, he truly observed, been subjected of late to a great deal of criticism of a not very friendly character.' But the Duke has only one remark to make with respect to these criticisms,' which is this:-'Give us the means and we can do anything. Give us no means and we can do nothing. No one knows this better than yourselves, gentlemen. What are the means? It may be stale to repeat it; but the answer is "Money, money, money."' (Cheers.) What a daughter of the horse-leech the Duke is, to be sure! He has twenty millions a year already, and yet clamours greedily for more and more. The result of the twenty millions is muddle and waste. What earthly reason is there for supposing that thirty, forty, or fitty millions would result otherwise? As if money were the only thing wanted!"—Pall Mall Gazette.

NEW PEACE JOURNAL, BRUSSELS.-We are glad to announce that "the Belgium Branch of International Federation of Arbitration and Peace" have seen their way to publish a quarterly journal, under the title of

Annales de la Paix. We congratulate M. La Fontaine, M. De Vos, and our other Belgian colleagues, upon this

new venture.

PEACE SOCIETY AT BERLIN.-We learn, with the greatest possible satisfaction, that a Peace Society, to consist wholly of members of Parliament, has been created in Berlin. Herr Baumbach and Herr Max Hirsch having taken the initiative. Simultaneously with this important incident, and that of the remarkable welcome given to the Baroness von Suttner, we observe in the German Press increased attention to the great subject. All this is most hopeful. Magna est veritas et prævalebit.

BEHRING SEA ARBITRATION.-The tribunal will consist of seven members, of whom one will be appointed by President Carnot, one by the King of Italy, and one by the King of the Belgians.

NEUTRALITY OF THE AMERICAN LAKES.-In a letter from Mr. Robert Treat Paine, President of the American Peace Society, we learn that he has written to Washington for information as to the alleged abrogation of the Treaty of 1817 by an Act of Congress, passed in 1865, regarding the neutrality of the American Lakes. On this subject we would call attention to the resolutions of our committee on this important subject, printed in another column. Copies of those resolutions have been forwarded to the American societies, with the expression of a hope that they may see their way to support the maintenance of the Treaty of 1817.

MEETING AT MANNHEIM.-We rejoice to learn that a democratic gathering has taken place at this important commercial city, the object of which was to receive an address from Dr. Adolf Richter, of Pforzheim, on the "Movement of the people in favour of the world's peace." The speaker, who was enthusiastically received, referred in the course of his remarks to the Peace Congress at Rome, which he said would help the "People's Party to realise their programme, for that party is one of peace." They would bring success to the movement and ultimately render war impossible. The idea of permanent peace was new, but adherents to it are coming in from all parties.

FRANKFORT-ON-MAIN.-We greatly regret that we have not received a copy of Herr Rossler's brilliant speech at the annual meeting of the Peace Society in this city in time for publication in this number of CONCORD. We hope to publish it next month.

THE WOMEN'S COMMITTEE OF OUR ASSOCIATIONS. -IT will be seen from the following resolution that our friends of the West Islington Women's Liberal Association are this year, as before, trying to gain for the cause of arbitration a recognised place on the Liberal programme. Another Association is also presenting to the Women's Liberal Federation a resolution of a similar character. We are indebted to Miss Marion Mills, of our Women's Committee, for the interest awakened and sustained in West Islington on this question. May her efforts meet with success! Resolution proposed by the West Islington Women's Liberal Association for the Council meeting of the Women's Liberation Federation: "That considering the moral and material evil which wars have ever caused, and the desirability at the present time of international union to further the economic reforms in all countries, this Council urges the Women's Liberal Associations to do their utmost to influence public opinion in favour of settling disputes between nations by means of arbitration."

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