perfidious Britons, who, it was asserted, had cause to fear the independent special's reports. Much effort was made by our Chairman and his coadjutors to meet these vague charges; and two or three of the best qualified English special correspondents who had been in the Soudan at the time were consulted as to the probabilities of the case, and in comparing the shreds and patches of information bearing on M. Pain's itinerary during the late struggle with the Dervishes. Though little but negative evidence could be then obtained, the report made by the joint French and English committee of investigation sufficed to check the sundry allegations made to the attempted discredit of the British name, and a pacifying effect was induced amongst Paris journalists

At last, as will have been seen by readers of the Daily News, and other special reports of the escape of the Austrian priests and other captives from Omdurman last month, the melancholy mystery has been cleared up. Their report on this point is explicit, and is to the following effect:-The too adventurous pressman had been taken prisoner by the Dervishes, by whom he and others were hurried off towards Khartoum. M. Pain, already much reduced by hardship, became desperately ill from fever, until, unable to keep on the camel, he was pitched off, and, dying immediately, was buried in the sand on the spot. Now, is it too much to hope that one or more of the French journalists who railed so bitterly against the English at that time will now make the amende honorable?

When a book becomes popular enough to have a little innocent fun made of it, it cannot longer be ignored, even by those least favourable to the views it advocates. There is an amusing article in a German paper on "Die Waffen Nieder," which represents the loss to young girls if the army and its decorated heroes were abolished; and their plaintive inquiries, Mamma, what was a lieutenant?" The article mentions the labours of Elihu Burritt, and wishes the Baroness von Suttner more results of her labours than were vouchsafed to the American philanthropist. At the close are given two supposed letters to the Baroness, from unhappy men whose personal experience leads them to wish for the universal prevalence of pacific principles. The first is a Member of Parliament, deafened with the eloquence of his adversaries, and severely wounded by shots sent forth (at him) from the yard-wide mouth of Dr. Gregr." He begs the Baroness to continue her labours, and assures her of his sympathy. The second letter is from a fruitdealer who plays cards with a friend, whose methods at play recall Ah Sin of immortal memory. The fruit-seller sums up the various

"the

quarrels, fines, and contentions which have arisen between himself and his partner, and begs the Baroness to write a second book on card-playing-fair and unfair. Though ap

pearing as the injured party, he acknowledges having thrown eight glasses of water at his partner, and the number of boxes on the ear given and received amount to several hundred; so that he does not seem to be quite the right person to present the Baroness" with a statue," as he proposes, if she will but bend her energies to promoting peace at the card-table.

LETTER TO THE COMMITTEE FROM THE CHAIRMAN REPORTING RESULTS OF HIS VISIT TO FLORENCE. FRIENDS,-On quitting Rome, I considered that it might be useful to confer with our Italian fellowworkers at some of the principal centres of the peace movement, and for that purpose to visit Florence, Milan, and Turin, on my way home. More than one attack of illness has, however, delayed the fulfilment of this intention.

The following notes may interest you and the readers of our journal. After holding conversations with S.S. Bonghi, Teso, Prestini, and Facelli, respect ing our common work, I went straight to Florence. The Peace Society at that place has for its President the Marquis Alfieri di Sostegno, a man of considerable influence, not only as being a great landowner in Piedmont, but for his high personal character. He is chairman of one of the committees of the Italian Senate, and has always shown an active interest in the peace movement. If I mistake not, he attended the Conference which we held at Berne eight years ago. In politics he may be described as an aristocratic Whig of the old type, and he resembles one in appearance and in mode of speech.

I did not find him sanguine as to the position of the Society at Florence, and he has little time to give to it, but received my suggestions with great cordiality. Among these was one that a monthly journal should be published for the common use of all the Italian Societies, to record their doings, create a healthy rivalry in good work, and keep them informed of the progress of the movement generally. It was agreed that I should draft a letter to S. Bonghi, proposing this scheme, and print his reply if he approved, bring it before the Italian societies, of which no less than fortyeight sent delegates to the Peace Congress. The Marchese was of opinion that that meeting had given important impetus to the movement; but he warned us not to expect immediate results. He feared that that steady devotion to public objects which was habitual in England did not exist yet in Italy. Especially were men unwilling to make pecuniary sacrifices for such an organisation, for even workmen's societies, with tangible and material advantages, suffered greatly from

the non-payment of subscriptions.

He considered S. Bonghi's influence to be most useful, for while belonging to the "Moderate" party, he was highly esteemed by the Radicals. This was of importance, because it was desirable that the peace movement should be free from any party character. He considered that the national army was useful, in time of peace, in familiarising the whole people with the idea of public duty, in which, owing to the past circumstances of Italy, they had been deficient A regards the conduct of the peace propaganda he believed it to be desirable to treat the question more especially from the economic point of view

ti

This also was the opinion of a very distinguished vice-president of the Society, the Marquis Vilfredo Pareto, a well-known writer on economic questions. He took part in our discussions at Rome, and he believed strongly that public opinion should be educated in the principles of Free Trade. He asserted that the advocates of monopoly in Italy, acting frequently and notoriously on behalf of private interests-those of manufacturers and others-did their best on every opportunity to promote war scares. As regards Italy and the Triple Alliance, he took the view constantly put forward in CONCORD, and considered that Italy should not have taken part in the Franco-German question.

My next interview was with a very different person, a gentleman also bearing the title of "Marchese," but occupying the position of a theological student, with the view to becoming a preacher in the brave and honoured Waldensian Church. He had been placed by his parents in a Catholic seminary to be trained for the priesthood, but had run away, and subsequently joined the Waldensian Reformers. His name is NICOLO GIGLIOTTI. He called at my hotel to say that he had prepared an address to be delivered to the congregation of the Waldensian Church in Florence, and that the pastor, the Rev. Giovanni Luzzi, would be very happy if I would speak on that occasion. I need hardly say how much honoured I felt by such an invitation, and how glad I was to accept it. There was a full attendance, chiefly of working people and, I suppose, of small tradesmen. S. Luzzi appropriately selected from the New Testament the noble chapter on "Charity," and the congregation sang our well-known English hymns in that splendid Italian language of mellifluous sound. After short extemporary prayers, came S. Gigliotti's oration, perhaps too flowery and rhetorical for our practical tastes. I spoke in English, and an Italian elder and preacher, the Rev. A. Meille, translated sentence by sentence with marvellous accuracy. He, like his colleague, completed his theological studies at Edinburgh. It is interesting to know that the Sunday and week-day schools of this church are well filled, especially by children of workmen who have become alienated from the Roman Churchrather by general scepticism than by any other cause. To return to S. Gigliotti. He is full of enthusiasm for our cause, and would like to form an Italian Peace Society, representing exclusively the Waldensian Church; while, at the same time, taking an active part in the secular Peace movement. I asked both pastors whether they would be willing to join the existing Florence Society, and] they expressed their readiness to do so. I know not how far Catholic and sceptical prejudices may interfere with their being invited to join; but I am sure that the wider the basis of the Peace movement, and the more it comprehends men of all ranks, sects, and parties, and teaches them to work side by side, the better it will be for the movement and for Italy.

I was next invited by another Vice-President of the Society to give an address at a meeting of "The Society of the Press," to be specially called for the purpose. Signor Diego Martelli, a member of the Municipal Council, and formerly a Deputy of the Italian Parliament, takes the warmest interest in our cause, and is most anxious to strengthen the Florence Society, and give it a larger sphere of influence. I am greatly indebted to him for numerous introductions and hearty co-operation. He presided at the meeting of the Society of the Press in their handsome hall, adjoining numerous other rooms, the whole constituting a sort of club-house. There were about one hundred and fifty persons present, and much interest was expressed in the subject, the main facts of which were apparently new to many. The meeting concluded with the recitation of a poem in honour of peace by the Marquis Gigliotti.

I was introduced to several persons, and among others to General Dogliotti, of the Italian Artillery, who had been a great personal friend of Garibaldi, and had fought by his side.

It was then suggested to me that I should have an interview with Prince Corsini, a member of the Italian Senate, who is much esteemed, and exercises considerable influence in Tuscany. On the occasion of the Treaty of Villafranca, his father stood by the side of Napoleon III. and Victor Emmanuel, to claim that Tuscany should join the new and enlarged kingdom. From historic circumstances, therefore, as well as from personal character, the prince has a position which would make his adhesion to the Society a source of strength. He listened to my statements with great interest, and expressed his warm sympathy with our objects and methods; consenting, further, to join. He referred to the fact that Tuscany had, in the past, distinguished itself by its advocacy of free trade; and he believed that all friends of progress might derive encouragement from the history of Italian unity and independence. He deplored the heavy burdens which fell on so young a nation, which, although young, inherited many evils from the past.

During the whole of my stay I received the greatest help from an earnest friend of our Association-Mary Lady Hobart, widow of a former very distinguished governor of Madras, who left on record most weighty and eloquent considerations on the subject of war. Lady Hobart introduced me to a number of persons whom she thought it would be useful to interest in our work; and she hoped that it might be possible for some of the permanent English residents to join the Society at Florence. The feeling of Italians is always so extremely cordial towards our countrymen, that there would probably be no difficulty in realising this suggestion. Lady Hobart has also some hope of its being possible to constitute a Women's Peace Society. This has already been done in the case of Palermo; and if that example can be followed in all the large towns of the Peninsula, how excellent a thing for the cause and for women themselves!

On the whole, I believe that there is an excellent field in this city for making it a centre for the growth of the peace movement in that part of the kingdom. It only needs union, earnestness, and hard practical work; and our Italian friends recognise the fact. I hope that my visit may have done something towards that end, and I feel deeply grateful for the kindness and cordiality with which I was received.

I intended to have included in this letter a report on interviews with our fellow-workers at Milan, but this letter has run to too great a length, and I must defer further reports until next month. HODGSON PRATT.

"AN INTERNATIONAL PEACE

BUREAU."

To the Executive Committee of the International Arbitration and Peace Association.

FRIENDS,-In order to obviate all misapprehension, I think it necessary to report to you what has taken place in reference to the establishment of an International Peace Bureau.

You will have seen from the Congress Resolutions, published in the last number of CONCORD, that such a bureau has been created, and five members of a temporary Commission elected to take the necessary steps, and report their proceedings to the next Congress, which will then take such further action as it may think necessary.

Inasmuch as your Committee had declined to express any opinion on the subject, I did not consider myself entitled, as your delegate, to speak for or against the

proposal. I confined myself to interpreting into French Dr. Evans Darby's remarks, which were to the effect that the Peace Society had not sufficient information, and would not be committed by any vote at that Congress. He also referred to the circular which his society had sent out, suggesting grave difficulties. When I was subsequently nominated one of five persons to form the Commission for establishing the Bureau, I did not consider that I should contravene your wishes in accepting the post.

I regard this step as an experiment, but as an important one, the value of which can only be tested by giving it a fair trial. It responds, in some respects, to a wish long felt by our foremost colleagues on the Continent, and repeatedly urged, especially by our departed friend Charles Lemonnier.

I have read, with surprise a "note" published in the Herald of Peace on this subject, and reprinted and widely circulated from that office. It is implied in this note that the vote for the Bureau was carried by a sort of coup de main. That was not at all my impression; but that the President, thinking that nearly every one was in favour of the proposal, wished to lose no time, but to proceed to the next question on the programme. He therefore pronounced the clôture, against which, however, I voted, because I desired that Mr. W. R. Cremer, M.P., who intended to speak against the proposal, should be heard. I think it impossible for any one to suggest that if the discussion had been prolonged, the vote would not have been in the affirmative by a large majority. It appears to me that a measure so long and greatly desired should have a fair chance of being tried. It can do no harm, and may he do much good; and I cannot see, therefore, why it should awake such strong opposition on the part of our colleagues of the Peace Society.-Yours faithfully, Nervi, January, 1892. HODGSON PRATT.

THE Secretary-General, for the year, of the International Parliamentary Conference, the Marquis B. Pandolfi, Deputy, sends us a copy of a letter which he has addressed to his parliamentary colleagues, in which he sums up the main result of the Conference held at Rome. We regret that our space only admits of our giving a summary of this interesting document.

He begins by observing that the first duty of the recent Interparliamentary Conference (the third) was to create a Parliamentary Interparliamentary organisation as the first condition of vigorous action.

Consequently the foundation of national Interparliamentary committees was voted to be urgent. These committees have been entrusted with the power of convoking the Conferences, and it has been recognised that this power of calling the annual meeting involved the right also of calling extraordinary meetings (conferences).

The national committees thus become individual and active elements of this new Interparliamentary Association, and the necessity has been recognised of 80 constituting its annual Bureau in the form of an International Parliamentary Committee, while the

latter will have the duty of endeavouring to promote the pacific settlement of international disputes.

The Bureau consists of the presidents of Parliaments, of presidents of the National Committees, and of the secretaries of the different Parliamentary groups represented at the Conference.

Although not yet completely organised, such a Bureau possesses an authority which in time may enable it to become a real Areopagus, which might, better than any other, perform those duties of the Supreme Court of Arbitration. The organisation comes before the Conference of 1892.

The creation of the post of Secretary-General was only a question of secondary importance, but which was necessary to expedite correspondence between the committees, and to give the Inter-parliamentary Bureau adequate means for the execution of its functions.

The Marquis Pandolfi adds that he would not have accepted the post of secretary if he had not regarded it as simply an instrumentality for giving effect to the work of the Bureau. He then makes an earnest appeal to all his colleagues for their counsel and support.

Their opinion is then requested as to a number of questions which are set forth in detail, and which have reference to the functions of the Bureau, and to its relations with the National Parliamentary Committees, and with individual members of Parliament.

Among these suggestions is the publication of an official Bulletin, so that the Bureau may be placed in regular communication with all members of Parlia

ment.

OUR FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE.

FRANCE.

I HAVE for several years delivered a course of lectures to the Normal School for Female Teachers of the Department of the Seine. It is this school which supplies Paris with the majority of its female communal teachers. The subject allotted to me is ethics, so that I have been led to speak more than once on the duties of nations to one another and the obligations which justice imposes on us towards the citizens of other countries. I am compelled to admit that on this point my instruction has generally met with little response. The pupils to whom I have very clearly explained my way of looking at the question, and my feelings with regard to it, have reproduced, faithfully enough, the sense of my lessons in the exercises which they have submitted to me, but it is easy to see that it was the desire to obtain a good mark more than conviction on the subject that made them allude to it, and that, in spite of my efforts, I had not succeeded in persuading them. Doubtless there were very few among these young girls who would have written, as one among them did, that it is a solemn duty for the mistress of a school to teach the children entrusted to her the hatred of foreigners. When this feeling of aversion and ill-will takes a form sufficiently clear and definite it is relatively easy to make the injustice of it felt. It is rare when I ask any of my pupils if it is allowable to knowingly act unjustly towards a foreigner solely because he is a foreigner, for anyone to say, yes; but I am bound to admit that I have only to modify the form of my question, so that the girl may not recognise it, for her to answer Yes, without hesitation. If, for example, I put the case: A Frenchman and a foreigner have a dispute, in whose favour must the decision be given? The pupils would answer, with one voice, in favour of the Frenchman. If one were then to say to them: But if it were the Frenchman who was wrong, would it then be fair to be unjust towards foreigners? They are

surprised and troubled; one sees that opposing ideas are doing battle in their minds; they have been taught at school that one must be just towards everybody, but their teachers have generally neglected to explain to them that "everybody" includes foreigners. They have been taught, and that is a great advance, that there are honest people, who deserve respect, in all the churches; but the teachers have forgotten, I hope with no bad intention, that the same is true of nations. Those who are particularly intelligent would come to the proper conclusion by understanding that "everybody" really means everybody; that one is bound not to be unjust to anybody, and that one must decide in favour of the person who is in the right, whether he be Italian, German, or French. But it is not ordinary logic which determines our convictions, they are the result of our habits of mind, especially of those which we have contracted when children. The majority of my pupils moreover, doubtless, soon fall under the dominion of narrow and passionate conceptions which the conversations of every day since their childhood have caused to spring up and grow in their minds. I do not, however, regard the time employed in explaining to these girls the obligation which is imposed on every honest man and woman to be just to all, as lost time. From the very first, a large part of the good seed sown does not fall on the rock, but on fertile soil where it will grow into abundant harvests. Should I only succeed in bringing three or four out of the twenty-five girls entrusted to me every year to a more righteous and equitable view, I should think that I had done useful work. Each of them, indeed, will be concerned every year for twenty, possibly thirty years, in the moral education of fifty or sixty children, and if the influence of a master who is only seen for an hour or two every week is necessarily very small; the influence on the contrary of the teacher who every day passes seven or eight hours with his or her pupils, is possibly all-powerful over the minds of the children. Even with those whom I may not have succeeded in convincing, I may have caused doubts to spring up; I may have shaken a little the unreflecting confidence they have had in their own judgment and in the ready-made opinions they have acquired on all sides. If in the course of their life they meet again people who speak of this subject in the same way as I do, what is said will appear neither new nor absurd; they will remember that they have heard it all before, possibly they may even remember that it was one of their old masters who said it. It is easier to accept an idea which is put in a familiar form; very often a speech, a sermon, a book, only carry conviction because they are the last comers; if the speech had been heard or the book read a year sooner, people would not have been interested or would not have understood them, and would have been quite convinced that all the arguments which have been presented to you have only confirmed you the more in the opinion which held. you But here there is an error-the false ideas are not confirmed by every-day experience, but, on the contrary, are contradicted by it. We must be careful about examining them too closely or reflecting much upon them if we are anxious to keep them; the objection which has been scornfully dismissed has none the less entered your mind-slowly, imperceptibly it insinuates itself like a subterranean spring which undermines the foundations of a building; the structure of your prejudices, of your creeds, is ruined; nothing is wanted but a knockdown blow to lay it low. The danger for our cause, for the cause of justice, liberty, and peace, is silence; we can never have enough gratitude for those who attack us. It is in heaping up objections to our ideas that they will convert others to them, and finally themselves. L. MARILLIER.

Paris, January, 1892.

[Translated by J. F. G.]

ITALY.

(Communication from the Marquis Nicolo Gigliotti on the prospects of the Peace Movement in Tuscany.) IN Tuscany there are many parties. The political ones are all extreme and even intransigeant, whilst the conciliatory spirits are in a minority. The ruling triad, indeed, consists of clerical intransigeants, the intransigeants who follow Mazzini, and the Anarchists. The influence of the Monarchists, who are quiet and easily contented, is not much felt.

There is no province of Italy which ought more strongly to desire peace, disarmament, and the establishment of an arbitral tribunal. The industrial, agricultural, and commercial crises, the economic distress, and the lack of work, which causes so many men to live in misery, yield striking evidence of the necessity for peace, and need for suppressing the enormous war expenses borne on the budget. The extreme parties persistently oppose peace. The Republicans, fed by Îed the illustrious Andrea Giannelli, are inimical to peace and arbitration. They distribute, as a pamphlet, Mazzini's letter to the Peace Congress of Geneva, held in 1867. The Clericals, who would willingly forget both Jesus Christ and Paradise, cannot obliterate from their memories the Pope's pretensions to be King of Rome. The Anarchists, as you know, desire universal disruption. Meanwhile, the party favourable to peace, and able to accupy itself with that cause, has not done so up to the present, but has slumbered tranquilly. I need describe this no further than by saying that a Peace Committee existed at Florence (the president being the Marquis Alfieri) which had no meeting-place ! It was, in fact, a purely nominal one. There appears, however, to be a sort of resurrection throughout the Tuscan Peace movement. Most efficacious work has begun, and the Florentine committee has now a local habitation, having fixed its provisional abode at 105, Via Ghibellino. Friends of peace have come forward in Arezzo, Sienna, Lucca, Pistoja, Pisa, Leghorn, and other cities. By means of a well-organised and indefatigable propaganda, it is hoped that men of different parties will co-operate in the interests of peace. And such co-operation is urgently needed, lest divisions cause war to lurk in the camp of concord!

The Italian Evangelical Party are not indifferent to this revival in the cause. Time was when a Protestant thought it wrong to occupy himself with anything outside the Bible, in which he was wrong, since the greatest Apostle of love, peace, and fraternity among the peoples was our Lord Jesus Christ. To-day things are changing. Peace has warm supporters in the Waldensian Church. On the 6th of December, at the invitation of Pastor Giovanni Luzzi, I gave an address on "Peace and Arbitration." There was a large audience, which warmly applauded the ideals I unfolded. And a discourse was given in a Waldensian church by Mr. Hodgson Pratt, which aroused universal sympathy. Energetic work is now going forward in order to constitute a Christian Peace and Arbitration Society.

Two important meetings in favour of peace have been held in the hall of the Tuscan Press Association, at which Mr. Hodgson Pratt was enthusiastically fêted. He made noteworthy speeches, as did Signor Diego Martelli, the Marquis Alfieri di Sostegno, and the Marquis Vilfredo Pareto. I read one of my poems on peace. Mr. S. J. Capper, of London, has lately been at Florence. He visited various peace friends, and distributed publications. A meeting was held at the house of the illustrious historian, Dr. Emilio Comba, Secretary of the Theological Faculty of the Waldensian Church. There was a large attendance, and a share was taken in the discussions by Mr. Capper, Dr. Comba, Signor A. Meille, Signor G. Luzzi, and myself. A Peace meeting has been held in Arezzo, and was immensely successful. I am about to visit Liguria in a

Although the Peace movement and propaganda are not sufficiently powerful to make war absolutely impossible, their influence becomes increasingly evident. One proof of this is the attitude of political men, who, in every country, are obliged to take into account the moral force exerted by the Peace Societies and their supporters, and the care with which ministers, during the New Year ceremonies, have given utterance to pacific sentiments on the part of their respective governments. To give an example of this as regards Italy At a large meeting held some days ago, a deputy who had held aloof from the Peace Congress, nevertheless mentioned its labours with respect, and spoke of its importance. Again, at his reception of the Diplomatic Body on New Year's Day, King Humbert laid special stress on the agreeable fact that peace might be regarded as secured. The Tribuna, which is favourable to the ministry, and supposed to be inspired by it, notes the fact that King Humbert thought he could make no more acceptable reply to the New Year greetings offered to him than by giving assurances of European peace. The same journal suggests that thereby King Humbert rendered his homage to the "greatest of rulers-public opinion." Our time, which has given life and vigour to this current of public opinion against war, by means of congresses and societies, may count it as not the least of its achievements. I notice that the Temps, of Paris, justly comments on the inconsistency of peaceful declarations, while the armaments remain. But is it not a great step to have compelled statesmen to descant on the benefits of peace, and to make them recognise the responsibility for avoiding conflicts which rests on those who can cause them? Besides, the propaganda of the friends of peace is directed against the deplorable frenzy for arming. Their success can neither be complete or instantaneous, for the moral and intellectual world follows nature in its processes, which are gradual, and not to be hastened. Nevertheless, the seed springs up in due time, though, maybe, not until after lessons which have still further taught us the horrors and terror of war. Imay mention that part, at least, of the Democratic party represented in the Chamber of Deputies openly inscribe on their programme, "Universal peace and disarmament." This is an ideal which, considering the present condition of Europe, may cause not a few to smile; but even those who wish to stand on absolutely practical ground must admit that what is a dream to-day may become fact to

morrow.

For this dream to become a waking reality, the way naturally has to be prepared, and the public mind disposed to accept a greatly advanced and improved state of things. A great stir has been made in Italy by an article published in the Nuova Antologia by General Marselli, in which, amongst other things, he confesses that Italy spends more than any other country in Europe, her size considered. Those opposed to our excessive military expenditure will of course seize on the facts and data given by the general, who is Under-Secretary of State for War, and known as a sup

porter of the Triple Alliance. The Secolo, as usual, has noticed this article, and General Marselli has tried to diminish the effect by a published letter, in which he strives to lessen the importance of his first utterances. The Secolo attributes this action on his part to those military influences which invariably oppose the most urgent reforms. Thus it was that instead of the territorial or militia system they preferred to increase an already complicated bureaucracy of officers and useless expenses.

The Peace and Arbitration Societies have not slept since the Congress, but are most active. Amongst those lately organised must be mentioned that of Ventimiglia, which has been joined by all the Socialists of that city. Captain Siccardi, whose name is wellknown to you, goes to Ventimiglia at the invitation of the committee there, shortly, and will, I feel certain, be very successful.*

I trust the example of Ventimiglia, and of the members of the Lombard Union, will find numerous emulators.

Rome, January, 1892.

VITTORE PRESTINI.

[Translated by Miss M. MANGAN.] NOTE. This was written before the unexpected death of Captain Siccardi.—ED. Concord.

M. EMILE DE LAVELEYE.

IT is with sincere regret that we record the death, on Sunday, the 3rd inst., of this truly international man-in some ways, perhaps, the most international man of his time. Certainly no man had such a wide circle of readers all over Europe. It is unnecessary here to record the facts of his life and work, as full notices have appeared in the ordinary papers. International arbitration was one of his favourite ideas, on which he thought and wrote much; and our readers will be familiar with one quotation from his writings in the sentence which has been used as a kind of motto of this Association, and appears on the cover of this journal. M. de Laveleye also accepted the post of President of our sister Society at Brussels on its formation a few years back, though, owing to his residence at Liège, he was unable to take part in the ordinary work of the Society. On the occasion of a visit to this country in 1886, our Association organised a public banquet in honour of M. de Laveleye, at which he delivered a memorable address on the progress and prospects of the peace movement. report will be found in the journal of this Association for July, 1886. We draw the special attention of our readers to the resolution adopted by the Committee of the Association at their meeting on the 4th inst., which will be found in the usual column.

A full

DEATH OF CAPTAIN SICCARDI.

WITH great regret we have to announce the unexpected death, on the 1st inst., of Captain Francesco Siccardi, the indefatigable Secretary