to the fact that "the world does move," and moves forward.

Perhaps our readers will bear with us if we now recapitulate some of the encouraging facts to which we allude. Briefly, they are these: the remarkable growth of Peace and Arbitration Societies in Italy-together with numerous meetings throughout the Peninsula, including the Peace Congress at Rome; the reconstitution and important development of the French Peace Society at Paris, with the creation of branches in the provinces; the establishment of a new Society at Brussels; the Universal Peace Congress at Paris, attended by representatives of upwards of a hundred Societies in Europe and America; the meeting of a Congress of representatives of nine parliaments in Europe, Africa, and America, whereby a permanent Interparliamentary Committee was appointed for the promotion of International Arbitration treaties, the consideration of questions affecting the preservation of peace, &c.

The

In the next place, the increasing readiness with which public men, as well as private citizens and the press, at once suggest arbitration whenever international differences occur, is a fact which cannot be denied. rulers of all the great States of Europe, including the President of the French Republic and the Emperor of Germany, have all loudly declared during the last few days their determination to do their utmost for the preservation of peace; and no doubt they feel that such a determination entirely accords with the feeling of their respective peoples. That feeling counts for much even in States which least enjoy popular liberty; and hence it is that the increasing influence of such Societies as ours in Europe is one which must tell in favour of our principles.

In these facts, then, the most faint-hearted may find encouragement for unwearying service, and win the profound happiness of knowing that labour for such a purpose-that of human concord and fraternity-will not be in vain. The cause commends itself alike to those whose aim is the progress of Humanity, and to those who believe that God desires that love, not hate, should reign among men. To work for this end, and to work unceasingly, is a duty and privilege. Difficulties, prejudices, bad traditions, the scepticism and pessimism of the modern time, mistaken notions of self-interest, of patriotism, and of honour, are all against us. It is the more incumbent upon all men and women to aid such efforts as ours in some of the many ways open to them-and all can do something. PHIL.

GREAT BRITAIN AND PORTUGAL. THE Committee of our Association has done its duty in adopting the resolutions which will be found in another column, and in communicating

them to the two Governments concerned. It affords us satisfaction that the Daily News has given its entire approval to our action in this matter; and we trust that we have the support of a large part of the British public. Nevertheless we are perfectly aware that there exists a wide-spread prejudice against any interference, in such cases, with the action of the Government for the time being, whenever a serious difference arises with some Foreign State. There is always a tendency on the part of those who accept principles only in fine weather to forget them when the time comes for their application. There is the false patriotism which convinces a man that his own government must needs be in the right whenever it differs from some other government, in spite of scores of instances to the contrary, which instances he would admit if he could only remember them.

There is, too, the still more false kind of patriotism which leads men to shut their eyes to all questions of right or wrong, and to say "My country, wrong or right. My first duty is to support our own Government." Others hasten to decide the question on side issues, as in this case, thinking it sufficient to declare that the Portuguese are bad and oppressive colonists, in league with slave-dealers.

Now to all these objections advanced by men of feeble convictions, when an international difficulty arises, we insist upon the simple but universal rule that "no man can be a judge in his own cause." The wisest and most honourable man in the world often finds himself unable to reconcile his claims with those of an equally wise and honourable man. Selfinterest or an imperfect apprehension of facts blinds the best of us. What is to be done in such a case? Settle the difference by blows, or by a recourse to a judge and jury-the one for the rights of the case, the other for the facts? Or they may call in a third party, trusted by both, to exercise mediation and arrange a compromise, as private litigants do to so large an extent in Berlin and elsewhere.

Now does any reasonable man suppose that in this dispute with our ancient friends and allies it is absolutely certain that Lord Salisbury or Senhor de Barros Gomes is infallible. There is a difference, both as to the facts which were the immediate cause of complaint on our part, and as to the right of the Portuguese to take under their administration a certain territory on the North and on the South of the Zambesi River. In February, 1888, it appears, an agreement was made between England and Lobengula, by which Mashonaland came under the sphere of British "influence," which excluded all possibility of Portuguese occupation there. Against this agreement Portugal at once protested, saying that territory was

included which had been under Portuguese "influence" for two centuries.

Our

Now, as the Daily News said the other day, the sort of sovereignty which is called a "sphere of influence" is most ambiguous and productive of perilous misunderstanding, while international law knows nothing of the term. Government has insisted on actual occupation as an essential condition of the recognition of dominion; but has the British Government always adopted this principle when not favourable to its own claims? A correspondent of the Star has recently shown that, alike in Venezuela and in Stellaland, our Government set aside de facto possession in favour of de jure rights which had been left in abeyance. And now the case urged against Portugal is that she relies upon ancient rights acquired by discovery and former action, which she has ceased to maintain.

We mention these things to show how confused are the issues and how uncertain is the juridical aspect of the case; so that, probably, both parties have, à priori, considerable grounds for the position they respectively take up. It is to be regretted that when the Portuguese cordially accepted the English proposal of 1888, to proceed to a delimitation of frontiers, Great Britain let the matter drop.

Now what right has either Government to assume that it is infallible, either as to matters of fact or matters of right? Moreover, every day that the dispute continues, and Jingoes on both sides create prejudice and irritation by tall talk, or by the circulation of alarmist, and, perhaps, lying telegrams from interested parties in South-East Africa, the two Governments become less fitted to judge impartially. Seeing the immense material interests at stake reflected by the Stock Exchange here, the Duke of Fife's supposed weight in the matter, and the legitimate interest felt in the missionary work of those regions, it will be impossible for Lord Salisbury to escape from charges of bias, however unjust. It is equally impossible for the Portuguese Government, accused by the Republicans of Lisbon of an unpatriotic attitude towards England, to escape from similar attacks. There is only one course for two Governments in such a case, if they desire that right and justice should be ascertained beyond a doubt, and should prevail; and that can only be secured by the absolutely impartial decision of persons completely trusted by both the parties. As regards Portugal, she, we understand, would gladly accept such an honourable solution of the difficulty, because she is the weaker of the two Powers, and cannot hope to establish her rights by force. Great Britain also should especially desire such a reference, because she is the stronger Power; and being the stronger, it would be especially to her honour not to use

13th January, 1890.. Since the above was written the serious news reaches us of Lord Salisbury's ultimatum. During the last few weeks Englishmen have been under the disadvantage of knowing all that the Portuguese Government have to say, without knowing what our Government has to say. It appeared to us perfectly legitimate that Lord Salisbury should have insisted that Portuguese agents should retire from any territories unexpectedly occupied by Major Serpa Pinto, and which are shown in our maps as under "the sphere of British influence," as a necessary condition for the deliberate discussion of the question of our and their claims. Recent telegrams stated that, under certain conditions, the Portuguese had consented to do this, when suddenly comes the ultimatum. There may or may not be adequate ground for this change of demeanour on the part of the British Government. Some reason for doubting good faith, some telegram from the Cape, may be the We can only hope that our Government may be found not to have taken this extreme course without adequate reasons.

cause.

AFRICA AS A THEATRE OF WAR.

SEVERAL incidents have occurred recently, and will probably continue to occur, which show the danger of European quarrels being extended to the Dark Continent. Germany, France, Portugal, Italy, and Great Britain are all anxious to establish and extend occupation there in some form or other; and conflicts about priority of rights, "zones of influence," 'protectorates," and boundary lines are sure to occur among some or all of these rivals. It is the business, then, of societies like ours to lead the way in warning the public against new dangers and new causes of war, and therefore, against new pretexts for further armaments.

It was the object of the General Act of the West African Conference (Berlin, 1884) to provide, if possible, against the danger in question, so far as the Congo territory is concerned; and that meeting was a proof of wise foresight which marks a new and great departure in international politics.

One of the Articles, the 34th, runs as follows: "Any Power which henceforth takes possession of a tract of land on the coasts of the African

Continent outside of its present possessions, or which, being hitherto without such possessions, shall acquire them, as well as the Power which assumes a protectorate there, shall accompany the respective Act with a notification thereof, addressed to the other Signatory Powers of the present Act, in order to enable them, if need be, to make good any claims of their own."

Now, judging from certain articles which have appeared in the foreign press, we fear that serious questions may arise out of the assignment to the British East African Company of a "sphere of influence" over immense territories. This is of course not an " оссираtion " in the technical sense of the word, as yet, any more than the assignment of similar powers and privileges to a rival German Association; and therefore, no "notification," as required by the above article of the Congo Treaty, has been made to the other Powerssuch as France and Portugal-who are greatly concerned in this matter. When, however, the British Government, or the German Government, finds itself compelled some day to intervene for the protection of their countrymen in the inevitable conflicts which must ensue, will there be no "occupation" of territory? Will not there be endless quarrels between Germany and England, who, however, much in agreement at this moment, are certain to clash-sooner or later-more especially as no boundary between their "spheres of influence" has been laid down on the Western side?

What is needed, as has been well explained in an article by M. Charles Benoist, in the Revue Bleue, is the creation of an international authority, whereby all acquired rights, and absolute freedom of trade, shall be absolutely secured. The 35th Article of the Congo Treaty indeed declares that the Powers signing it recognise the obligation "to ensure the establishment of authority in the regions occupied by them on the coasts of the African Continent sufficient to protect existing rights, freedom of trade and transit."

What is wanted, then, says M. Benoist, is, that the four Powers - England, Germany, France, and Portugal-shall undertake concurrently to provide that authority. In the case of the Niger, France and England have entered into such a mutual undertaking, and why should not this provision be extended to the vast territories of the Congo Basin?

The Congo Treaty is defective in another point, one of capital importance-that it failed to render obligatory a recourse to international arbitration in the event of disputes between the rival invaders and colonisers of Africa. It was proposed, but the French representative unfortunately opposed it; although, under Article 12, "the Powers reserve to themselves the option of having recourse to arbitration." Under the same

article the Powers do bind themselves to have recourse to mediation, which is better than nothing. What is wanted, however, is that in every future treaty, charter or other instrument relating to Africa, arbitration should be made obligatory.

Timely and concerted action on the part of the Powers, in the manner just indicated, may prevent Africa from becoming a frightful arena of wars on the part of the "civilised" States of Europe. H. P.

ENGLAND & VENEZUELA: VOLUNTEER DIPLOMACY.

THE Universal Peace Union at Philadelphia has indeed the courage of its opinions. It does not, like the mild societies of Europe, ask disputing Governments to resort to mediation, but it does the business itself. When was such a thing ever heard of before? For a long time past there has been a serious standing dispute between Venezuela and Great Britain as to the boundary line between the former and British Guiana, which has more than once come before our Committee for consideration. The Venezuela Government has, we believe, long since brought its claims of redress for violation of its alleged territory before the United States, with a view to the diplomatic intervention of that Government; but we do not know whether any communication was made by the latter to Great Britain.

Last autumn, however, the Universal Peace Union undertook the work of diplomacy on its own account, and deputed one of its vicepresidents (Mr. Conrad F. Stollmeyer) to proceed on a mission of peace to Caracas, in reference to this dispute, his instructions being to study the different bearings of the question, and make a report. These facts we learn from a Trinidad paper, Public Opinion, which expresses its entire approval of this friendly intervention of our Philadelphia friends.

Mr. Stollmeyer arrived at Caracas in November last, with a letter of introduction to Dr. Rojas Paul, the President of Venezuela, who promised him every facility in the investigation of the pending questions. "The great difficulty in the way," he writes, "is that all diplomatic intercourse has been interrupted by the former President (General Blanco) sending the English Ambassador away, in February, 1887, and that the question is more one of honour and national pride than of material interests.” The action of the President had, moveover, been approved by the Venezuela Congress.

After interviews with the Ministers and with the Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, "it was arranged that the first step to the settlement of the difficulties between Venezuela and England should be to open diplomatic

intercourse between the two States." It became clear that this could only be done by the " intervention of a friendly neutral Power without wounding national pride or honour." It was then arranged, with the consent of the President of Venezuela, that Colonel Scruggs, the United States Plenipotentiary, should address a despatch to Mr. Blaine, Secretary of the United States, requesting him to inquire through Mr. Lincoln, the United States Minister in England, whether England would receive in a kindly manner an envoyé from Venezuela, with a view to treat on and arrange the difficulties in reference to the boundaries in Guiana, the 30 per cent. extra duties, levied upon goods coming from the West India Islands, and the British claims on Venezuela.

In a subsequent letter addressed by Mr. Stollmeyer to Mr. Alfred H. Love, the President of the Universal Peace Union, he says:-"Froin information received by telegram, England is willing to receive from Venezuela an envoy to treat on and arrange the existing difficulties."

This information was laid before our Committee at their last meeting, and a resolution was adopted expressing their deep sense of the great service rendered by our able and energetic fellow-workers in the "City of Brotherly Love."

These remarkable incidents do great credit to everyone concerned in these amateur negotiations, and not least to the Government of a great nation like the United States, which consents, without fuss or formalities, to recognise and act upon the information and suggestions of a body like "The Philadelphia Peace Union." Imagine the disgust of our European professional diplomatists when they come to hear of it! B. C. S.

THE LATEST-BORN SOCIETY.

ON the 15th of last month, the Chairman of our Committee had the pleasure of attending the first general meeting of "The Belgian Committee of the International Federation for Arbitration and Peace." Previous to its formation, in February last, we had been in frequent correspondence with M. Constant de Vos, who has taken a very active part in the organisation of the new Society. It has the good fortune to begin its labours under the best possible auspices; and the name of the distinguished professor of law at the University of Liège (M. de Laveleye) as President of the Society is a distinction which will be felt by the members as an obligation to merit that honour.

At the meeting in question we were happy to see in the chair our friend the well-known Bourgmestre of Brussels, M. Charles Buls; and the place of meeting was in the famous Town Hall.

The Report read by the Secretary (M. H. La

Fontaine, barrister-at-law) showed that fair progress had been made, and two hundred members enrolled. There appeared every prospect of strong branches being formed in the provinces-Ypres having fifty members, Tournay thirty-five; while a delegate from a third town announced at the meeting the adhesion of fifty more. The Society is particularly anxious to obtain the support of the working classes; and M. Ed. Anseele, President of a great workman's society, the "Flamand Vorheit," is a Vice-President of the Committee. Our Chairman's address, which followed the ordinary business, was reported in a large number of the daily papers of Brussels, and the Committee hope to adopt several of the suggestions which he submitted for their consideration.

It appears to us that, in a Neutral State, such a Society may render exceptionally useful services to the cause of international concord. The Belgians are, on the one hand, free from the disadvantage of subjects constituting a powerful State, with military ambitions and traditions; and, on the other hand, its neutrality being under the guarantee of Europe, it is the better able to say, "We are the friends of all, but allies of none." That position renders Belgians specially qualified to form impartial judgments respecting the numerous European questions which cause dangerous alienation and mistrust between many of the Great Powers. It would be well indeed, then, if the sister Peace Societies would, from time to time, invite their Belgian fellow-workers to investigate and report on the vexed subjects of dispute which threaten dangerous consequences.

Here truly is a work which Professor de Laveleye, if he had the time, would, we feel sure, be delighted to undertake in conjunction with his colleagues. He would thus add one more to the many obligations under which he has laid us all by his able and impartial contributions to the knowledge and appreciation of social and political facts.

We wish a long and useful life to the youngest born member of the International Arbitration and Peace Federation; and we trust to see a strong contingent, with their President, at the Peace Congress of 1890, in London,

X.

ASSOCIATION FOR THE FORMATION OF AN INTERNATIONAL VOCABULARY.

THE Peace Congress held in Paris under the sanction of the French Government in June last, appointed a commission to discuss the expediency of forming an International Vocabulary, calculated to meet the general acceptance of civilised nations. It is believed that a result might be obtained equal in im

portance to that achieved by the Anglo-French Commission, which in 1864 elaborated the international code of signals for use on the high seas-a code which was adopted by all governments, and which, by a combination of flags, now enables captains of all nationalities to converse with one another on every important topic.

The Committee proposes to enroll adherents to the general scheme of forming an International Vocabulary, and to invite suggestions on the subject, it being deemed desirable to accumulate data which may be submitted to the next Peace Congress, to be held this year, by which time it is hoped an acceptable plan may have been elaborated. Expressions of opinion on all questions relating to the object in view are therefore invited.

In responding, it should be borne in mind that the Committee aims at a practical result, however small; and such would be the adoption of a few hundred words or signs, uniformly acceptable to the nations of the civilised world. These words or signs need not necessarily satisfy all the requirements of linguistic science or the subtle laws of euphony; but would merely be the nucleus of a language destined to remove one of the barriers now separating nations. Nor is it pretended that, once introduced, they could be irrevocable. No language can remain stationary. It has to be modified according to the requirements of succeeding generations; not at random, but subject to a central authority. The same functions that are performed by the "Academie de France," for the regulation of the French language, would have to be performed by an International Committee or Academy for any language that laid claim to international adoption.

The undersigned will be glad to enroll adherents to the Association formed for the above purpose.

A subscription of five shillings (and upwards) constitutes membership. Adhesion to the Association, as well as further Subscriptions or Donations and all other communications, should be addressed to either of the undersigned, at 41, Outer Temple : FELIX MOSCHELES. HODGSON PRATT.

The Editor acknowledges, with thanks, the receipt of the following:-Herald of Peace, Arbitrator, Le Désarmement, La Rénovation, Les Etats-Unis d'Europe, Le Devoir, L'Avenir des Campagnes, Bulletin des Sommaires, La Revue de l'Orient, Revue Libérale, Le Haïasdan, Die Nation, L'Arménie, Le Courrier de Londres, Il Secolo, Peacemaker, American Advocate of Peace and Arbitration, Chamber of Commerce Journal, and Financial Reformer.

To the Hon. Philip Stanhope, M.P., Chairman of the Permanent Inter-Parliamentary Committee.

SIR, The Executive Committee of the International Arbitration and Peace Association have observed with much satisfaction that at the Inter-Parliamentary Conference which met at Paris on the 29th and 30th of June last, it was, in the sixth resolution (viz., that relating to the Committee of the several nationalities appointed to make arrangements for the next Conference), resolved that such Committee should "cooperate heartily for putting an end to any misunderstandings by appealing, when necessary, to public opinion.'

This was, in fact, but a proper corollary of the resolution in reference to the Inter-Parliamentary Conference passed at the Peace Congress held a few days previously thereto, and at which nearly three hundred societies were represented.

Our Committee has, on more than one occasion, recommended that, whenever disputes take place between any two countries, a few representatives of their respective Parliaments should meet to consider the question, and to exchange opinions and a knowledge of facts. Such joint deliberations conducted by men animated by the desire of a rational settlement founded on justice would, it is hoped, have a very beneficial effect. Facts which were not previously known or only partly known, would thereby become more fully appreciated and understood in all their bearings; and the various representatives would be able to understand the points of view of, and the arguments entertained by, the others; and thus, as a result, a greater rapprochement and a greater unity in the appreciation of the question at issue in all its aspects might fairly be expected.

If, as the outcome of such a Conference, its members were able jointly to sign a statement of the case, with a declaration of the course of action recommended to both nations, the advantages would obviously be very great. The citizens of the respective nations would be enabled to regard the question dispassionately, and many sources of misapprehension and irritation would probably be removed. In fact, on both sides, Parliamentary representatives, thus fully informed, would be able to put before their respective Governments a course of action which the latter might be glad to adopt.

The Committee of this Association is gratified to know that you, Sir, were appointed Chairman of the Committee in question, feeling sure that from your wide knowledge of foreign countries, as well as from many other qualifications well known to the English public, you are eminently fitted to give effect to the work of conciliation which has been suggested.

This Committee, moreover, ventures to think that of many subjects of international discord which it would be well to bring before joint committees, there is one affecting French and English relations, which should be taken up without delay.

The continued military occupation of Egypt by British troops would seem to have created some feeling