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territory west of the Allegheny Mountains, excepting only Texas and West Virginia. This sentence, indeed, has proved to be the Magna Charta of public education in the United States. This I shall point out later. In 1789 the Continental Congress had passed away, the Constitution had been adopted, Washington had taken his seat as President and the first Congress was holding its first session. Early in the session an amendment to the Ordinance of 1787 was adopted. This amendment was intended to bring the Ordinance into harmony with the new form of government and thereby to perpetuate it. Therefore, the amendment was practically a re-enactment of the Ordinance of 1787. This amendment and re-enactment was signed by George Washington. We are glad to bring into connection with this immortal Ordinance the name of him whom we proudly call "Father of our Country." Almost immediately after the passage of the Ordinance of 1789 the general Government made with the Ohio Company a contract whereby a large territory in that commonwealth should be open to settlement, upon certain conditions. One of these conditions was that the sixteenth section in each township should be reserved for the public schools and that two entire townships, each consisting of thirty-six sections, should be reserved for the endowment of a "Seminary of Learning," which, being interpreted into the language of today, would mean, a Seminary of Higher Learning, and which became a State University. These conditions were imposed in accordance with that sentence in the Ordinance of 1787 which declares that throughout the Northwest Territory, "Schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." This sentence is the Magna Charta of the public school system, and in fulfillment of its provisions, these conditions were laid upon the early settlers of Ohio. The same conditions were afterwards laid upon other states formed out of the Northwest Territory, and they were, at a still later time, extended to the states carved out of the Northwest Territory, and they were, at a still later time, extended to the Louisiana Purchase and to other states otherwise acquired. Whenever a territory west of the Allegheny Mountains knocked upon the doors of Congress asking for admission to the sisterhood of states, certain conditions were imposed upon the territory by the general Government. If the territory, by popular vote, pledged itself to carry out these conditions, it was admitted to the Union, but otherwise it was not admitted. One of these conditions was that the sixteenth section of land in each township should be reserved for public schools, and another was that, in general, two townships, of thirtysix sections cach, should be reserved for the endowment of a Seminary of Learning, which, in every case, was interpreted to mean a State University. In pursuance of the educational policy contained in the Ordinance of 1787, the general Government required each territory in the country west of the Allegheny Mountains to take a certain stand in behalf of public education, elementary and higher, before it should be admitted to the Union. The people of these early territories do not seem to have been generally zealous in behalf of education. They accepted the conditions imposed by the general Government because without such acceptance they could not enter the Union;

but some of them long neglected their universities so far as the conditions imposed by the general Government permitted. For nearly thirty years the Legislature of Michigan did not give to the University at Ann Arbor a single dollar, but left it to maintain itself wholly upon the proceeds of the Federal lands and upon tuition fees. In Missouri the Legislature took no steps to found the University until nearly twenty years after the state had been admitted to the Union. When the University was finally established, it was suffered to starve for twenty-seven years without the gift of a cent from the State Treasury. The first appropriation was $10,000 for the space of two years. Then came appropriations, slowly increasing, but it was not until the University was fifty-one years old that the maternal affection of the state towards its greatest institution began to be manifested in really worthy degree. It would seem that in many cases the Federal Government led, rather unwillingly, states, so far as higher learning, at least, is concerned. Texas and West Virginia are the only states west of the Allegheny Mountains that have been admitted to the Union without conditions committing them to a public school system from the elementary forms to the university. Texas was admitted in the troublous times attendant upon the Mexican War and West Virginia was torn from the old dominions amid the horrors of civil war and as a stroke of war policy. In view of these facts, who can deny the statement that from the crest of the Allegheny Mountains to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, the Federal Government has been leading the states and their people, sometimes rather against their will, into wise policies in public education.

No account of education by the state, or by the United States, would be complete without some account of the work of Thomas Jefferson. His services as author of the Declaration of Independence, as statesman, diplomat, cabinet minister, and President have obscured the services which Jefferson rendered to education. In 1779, three years after he wrote the Declaration of Independence, Jefferson introduced into the House of Burgesses in Virginia a bill establishing in that commonwealth a comprehensive system of public schools. His bill provided for elementary schools, secondary schools, and at the head of all such a State University as has not yet been realized in our country. The bill attracted great attention at the time, but it should not seem strange that, amid the sorrows of the Revolutionary War, it came to naught. From 1779 until his death in 1826, Jefferson was dominated by a passion for freedom through republican institutions, and by a passion for public schools at public expense. For forty-seven years, with tongue and pen, in public and in private, he pleaded the cause of public education without rest or abatement. When we remember his exalted position, his wide acquaintance with public men, his enormous correspondence, his dominating passions, we can gather an adequate idea of how great an influence he wielded in behalf of education. His name may not be connected with any great act in behalf of schools. Indeed, his ideas of the Constitution rather prevented him from advocating education at national expense, but for nearly a half century he was the foremost advocate in all our land for state aid for public education from the elementary forms through the ideal

State University. It is impossible to exaggerate the influence which he exerted in fastening in the minds of the people of our entire country the idea that public money ought to be used liberally by the states for public education. The last years of his life were spent in a prolonged struggle to induce Virginia to adopt his plan of public education. For reasons that pass our comprehension, Virginia refused to establish elementary or high schools. It did finally establish a State University but it was only a tithe of that University of which Jefferson had fondly dreamed.

In 1858 Justin S. Morrill of Vermont introduced into the Senate of the United States a bill establishing agricultural colleges. The measure was passed by a small majority but it was vetoed by President Buchanan, who showed genius for doing unfortunate things. In 1862, amid the horrors of civil strife, Senator Morrill introduced his bill again with slight modifications. Again it was passed by Congress and was signed by Abraham Lincoln. We are glad to connect this wise measure in behalf of higher education with the name of him whom we may justly call the second Father of his Country, and the Author of the Second Declaration of American Independence. The Morrill Act offered 30,000 acres of land belonging to the general Government to each state for each congressman and senator that it had at the time when the Act was passed. Certain conditions were prescribed to which each state had to conform in order to inherit the federal bounty. The Government made gifts to the state in behalf of higher public education with one hand and with the other hand led these states into a certain attitude before they became recipients of the gifts. These institutions were intended to be colleges in the true sense of the term. In standards of admission, in standards of graduation, in courses of instruction, they were to be real colleges. They were at liberty to teach anything, even including the classic languages, that was taught in other colleges, but it was provided that agriculture and the mechanic arts should have a prominent place in the curriculum. Some states were wise enough to place these colleges in their universities, but some were unwise enough to establish them on separate foundations. The colleges of agriculture that have been founded in universities are destined, I dare affirm, to far excel those that rest on separate foundations; while the State Universities that are fortunate enough to have these colleges in their midst, are destined to excel the other State Universities. The conjunction is full of blessing to the college and also to the University.

In 1887, just a hundred years after the passage of the great Northwest Ordinance, Congress passed an Act establishing Agricultural Experiment Stations in connection with the Colleges of Agriculture and it endowed these Stations in the sum of $15,000 annually. The original grants on which rest the State Universities west of the Allegheny Mountains were grants of land and when each territory had bound itself to comply with the conditions imposed by the general Government, the gift became irrevocable. The same was true of the land grant of 1862. But the Act of 1887 gave grants of money to be appropriated by Congress at each regular session and

the stations were placed under the supervision of certain officers at Washington. It was made the duty of these stations to make investigations into the arts and sciences connected with agriculture and to spread among the people by publications and otherwise the results of these investigations and such accumulations of useful knowledge as the stations might be able to gather. At first glance the field of investigation seems to be narrow, but, in reality, it was very wide. It includes research in Agronomy, Animal Husbandry, Dairy Husbandry, Veterinary Surgery, Horticulture, Entomology, Botany, and so much of Physics, Chemistry and Bacteriology as are involved in problems connected with the soil, with plant life and with animal life. But much more is involved in this remarkable Act than appears on the surface. Our forefathers had worked their way slowly to the idea that public money might justly be used for the education of the young, provided they were gathered together in elementary or secondary schools, or in colleges or universities.

But the Act of 1887 declares that public money may justly be used for research. This was an immense stride forward. Our forefathers came slowly to the idea that public money might justly be used for the education of the young provided that they were assembled in schools, colleges, or universities. But the Act of 1887 declares that the results of research in the Stations and the accumulations of useful knowledge pertaining to agriculture may be spread among the people broadcast at public expense and the information is to be given to men and to women and to the young, the middle aged and the old, not collected in schools, colleges, or universities, but at their homes. The knowledge is to be spread by publications, lectures, or by any other proper method. The Federal Government in this Act endowed research and also University Extension. So anxious was the Government to facilitate the spread of information among the people that the publications of these Stations are carried in the mails free of postage. Our forefathers justified the education of the young at public expense on the ground that an intelligent citizenship was necessary for the maintenance of republican institutions. They seem to have feared that an uneducated rabble might rise some day in this country as it did in France to tear to tatters the fabric of Government. Their policy was based on selfishness although the selfishness was not lacking in enlightenment. In the Act of 1887 the Government came much nearer than it had ever done to a policy of altruism in public education. "We must educate," said our fathers, "to protect our institutions." "We must educate," say the men of today, "because it is as much the function of a Government to educate its people as it is its function to rule them and to protect them." "We must educate," say the men of today, "not only because of the preciousness of our institutions but also because of the preciousness of the individual soul." While the Act of 1887 does not include this modern altruistic view as stated above, it comes far closer to it than any other Act of the Federal Government has hitherto come.

The endowment of 1887 was not irrevocable. Therefore, as often as Congress meets in regular session and passes appropriations for the Experi

ment Stations, it thereby sets its seal to the truth of all the doctrines in the original Act, which was passed not by one Congress in a spasm of exalted virtue, but has practically been ratified by every Congress since 1887.

The states at first accepted the Federal bounty without doing anything themselves. The general Government had been leading faster than they were prepared to follow. But slowly first one and then another began to make appropriations out of state funds for their Experiment Stations until at the present time there is probably not a commonwealth in the Union that does not add out of its treasury to the amount received by its Station from the general Government. Therefore, as often as each Legislature meets it sets the sea! of the State, unconsciously perhaps, to the truth of all the doctrines contained in the Act of 1887.

A Missourian may be pardoned for saying that the Act of 1887 was introduced by William H. Hatch, who for many years represented in Congress the First Congressional District of Missouri. The measure is now called unanimously "The Hatch Act."

In 1890 Senator Morrill, the father of the Colleges of Agriculture, introduced into Congress an Act increasing their appropriations in a sum of money which was to grow annually until it became $25,000 a year. This is generally known as the "Second Morrill Act." It was signed by Benjamin Harrison.

Does it seem to be an accident, or more, that all the steps forward of the Federal Government in its leadership of the States in public education were taken under the administrations of great Presidents? Is it an accident or more that none of these measures were passed under the administrations of Martin Van Buren, William Henry Harrison, James K. Polk, Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan, Rutherford B. Hayes, and so on; but they were passed under Washington, Lincoln, Grover Cleveland, and Benjamin Harrison? And some would fain hope that yet another is to be passed under that magnificent man and hero, Theodore Roosevelt. It is a goodly fellowship of Presidents.

Harvard points with pride to her pious founder and so likewise Yale and Princeton and the Hopkins and Tulane and the University of Chicago. Some of these founders, peradventure, were not very pious but the term is still applied to them and probably justly. Pious they have been, certainly, in so far as they have founded institutions of learning. The State Universities west of the Allegheny Mountains can point with pride, as to a pious founder, to the Federal Government. They have been founded by their States and are proud of that fact, but they do not forget that the State was originally guided by the Government of the United States. In a certain sense they can claim as founders Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, Cleveland, and Penjamin Harrison. These universities may lift up their heads in just pride for their lineage also has been illustrious. They beyond all universities in America ought to be nurseries of civic virtue. In their midst should burn like a vestal flame, unquenched and unquenchable, love of state and love of our common country.

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