affirmative unanimously. Which proposal the Board determined to proceed upon after they had considered some method of effecting the Union between the Colonies.-Ibid. pp. 27-28.

After debates held on the plan of a Union, it was moved if the Board should proceed to form the plan of a Union of the Colonies, [it ought] to be established by an Act of Parliament.-Ibid, p. 39.

That the said Colonies being in a divided disunited, state, there has never been any joint exertion of their force or counsels to repel or defeat the measures of the French, and particular Colonies are unable and unwilling to maintain the cause of the whole.-Ibid, p. 67.

It is proposed that humble application be made for an Act of parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of which one general government may be formed in America, including all the said colonies, within and under which government each colony may retain its present constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said Act, as hereinafter follows.

That the said general government be administered by a President-General, to be appointed and supported by the Crown; and a Grand Council, to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several Colonies met in their respective Assemblies.

That the House of Representatives [of each colony] may and shall choose members for the Grand Council, in the following proportion, that is to say,

That there shall be a new election of members of

the Grand Council every three years.

That after the first three years, when the proportion of money arising out of each colony to the general treasury can be known, the number of members to be chosen for each colony shall from time to time. be regulated by that proportion, yet so as that the number to be chosen by any one province be not more than seven, nor less than two.

That the assent of the President-General be requisite to

all acts of the Grand Council, and that it be his office and duty to cause them to be carried into execution.

That they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the defence of any of the colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard the coasts and protect the trade on the ocean, lakes or great rivers; but they shall not impress men in any colony, without the consent of the Legislature.

That for these purposes they have power to make laws, and lay and levy such general duties, imposts or taxes, as to them shall appear most equal and just (considering the ability and other circumstances of the inhabitants in the several colonies), and such as may be collected with the least inconvenience to the people; rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessary burdens.

. . That laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of England, and shall be transmitted to the King in Council for approbation, as soon as may be after their passing, and if not disapproved within three years after presentation, to remain in force.

And all civil officers are to be nominated by the Grand Council, and to receive the President-General's approbation before they officiate.-Ib., pp. 70-73.

Franklin, in 1789, speaks of the results of the rejection of the Albany plan of union of 1754 as follows:

On reflection, it now seems probable that, if the foregoing plan, or something like it had been adopted and carried into execution, the subsequent separation of the colonies from the Mother-country might not so soon have happened, nor the mischiefs suffered on both sides have occurred, perhaps, during another century. For the colonies, if so united, would have really been, as they then thought themselves, sufficient to their own defence,-and being trusted with it, as by the plan, an army from Britain for that purpose, would have been unnecessary. The pretenses for framing the Stamp Act would then not have existed, nor the other projects for drawing a revenue from America to Britain by acts of parliament, which were the cause of the breach, and attended with such terrible expense of blood and treasure, so that the different parts of the empire might still have remained in peace and union. But the fate of this plan was singular. After many days' thorough discussion of all its

laris, in Congress, it was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be sent to the assembly of each province for concurrence, and one to the ministry in England for approbation of the crown.

The crown disapproved it, as having too much weight in the democratic part of the constitution, and every assembly as having allowed too much to prerogative; so it was totally rejected. Cited in Frothingham, p. 149.

Nothing can exceed the jealousy and emulation which they possess in regard to each other. The inhabitants of Pennsylvania and New York have an inexhaustible source of animosity in their jealousy for the trade of the Jerseys. Massachusetts Bay and Rhode Island are not less interested in that of Connecticut were they left to themselves, there would soon be a civil war from one end of the continent to the other.—Ib., p. 152.

The circular to the various colonies, prepared by the legislature of Massachusetts, calling for a congress of the colonies, dated July 8, 1765, reads as follows:

SIR, The House of Representatives of this province, in the present session of General Court, have unanimously agreed to propose a meeting of committees from the houses of representatives or burgesses of the several British colonies on this continent, [give reasons] and to consider of a general and united representation of their condition. -Niles, Principles and Acts of

the American Revolution, p. 156.

In organizing the Congress Oct 7, 1765, it was decided that the committee of each colony shall have one voice (vote) only in determining any question that shall rise in the congress.-lb., 162.

Wednesday, Oct. 9th, 1765, A. M.

The congress

resumed the consideration of the rights and privileges of the British American colonists, &c.

Thursday, Oct. 24, 1765, ▲. M.—

-Ib., 162.
The Congress

took into consideration the manner in which their several petitions should be preferred and solicited in Great Britain, and thereupon came to the following determination, viz:

It is recommended by the Congress to the several colonies to appoint special agents for soliciting relief from their present grievances, and to unite their utmost interests and endeavors for that purpose.-Ib., 168.

One stanza of a "song sung at Boston, in New
England," 1765, entitled "Advice from the
Country," is of interest in this connection:
With us of the woods

Lay aside your fine goods,
Contentment depends not on fine clothes
We hear, smell and see,

Taste and feel with high glee,

And in winter have huts for repose.

In 1766 an article appears signed "A British American."-Frothingham, 194.

Sam. Adams, Sept. 16, 1771, writes in the "Boston Gazette":

I have often thought that in this time of common distress, it would be the wisdom of the colonists more frequently to correspond with and to be more attentive to the particular circumstances of each other. . . . The colonists form one political body of which each is a member.

. . The liberties of the whole are invaded; it is therefore the interest of the whole to support each individual with all their weight and influence.-Frothingham, p. 263.

therefore

In the House of Burgesses in Virginia, March, 1773. And whereas the affairs of the colony are frequently connected with those of Great Britain, as well as the neighboring colonies Be it resolved, that a standing committee of [11 including Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson] be appointed. whose business it shall be to obtain [information concerning acts of British government] and to keep up and maintain a correspondence

with her sister colonies. . . . Resolved, that the speaker of this House do transmit to the speakers of the different assemblies copies of the said resolutions and request them to appoint some person or persons to communicate from time to time with the said committee. -Cited in Frothingham, pp. 280-81.

This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time,

through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason toward my country

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary.

Sir, we are not weak, means which the God of Three millions of people,

if we make a proper use of the nature hath placed in our power. armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as we possess, are invincible by any force which one enemy can send against us.

Patrick Henry, March 28, 1775, in Virginia Convention.Cited in American Orations, p. 188.

66

QUESTIONS.

1. Why were Mr. Coddington and Mr. Brereton not to be communicated with by the governor of Massachusetts? 2. What does it prove in regard to union? 3. What colony made the first movement toward confederation? )4. Name the provinces in New England, 1640. 5. Who were magistrates? 6. Who were deputies? 7. Name reasons for union in 1643. 8. Who was Bradford? 9. Who was Winthrop? 10. Did the colonies have the right to form the confederation? 11. Do you find any evidences of jealousy among the colonies? 12. What were the terms of union? 13. Were they just? 14. What qualification for being a 'commissioner"? 15. What provisions in our present constitution can you find in the confederacy of 1643? 16. Did the English government approve of the confederacy? 17. What claims did the colonists make in regard to the benefits of the confederation? 18. Why did the English "commissions" dislike the use of the words state, commonwealth, etc., by the colonists? 19. Were the English "commis sions" and the colonists on good terms? Why? 20. Was Jacob Leisler for union? 21. How did the Indian feel about unity? 22. What did Governor Treat mean by the "ancient confederation"? 23. Under what name do you find Massachusetts sometimes spoken of? 24. Was Jacob Leisler an educated man? 25. Name the various times when there was a union more or less perfect. 26. Which were most numerous in America, the English or the French? 27. Why did the French get possession of so large a part of America, about 1750? 28. Name the reasons given by Gov. Livingston. 29. What remedy was proposed for the weakness of the English? 30. Can you see that union was wished for different purposes? 31. Why did the English wish to unite the colonies? 32. Why did the colonies desire to form a union? 33. Name the means the party of the "prerogative," the English party, proposed to bring about unity. 34. Do you approve of Mr. Penn's plan of union? ́ ̧35. Which the better, his, or that of Governor Livingston, 1701? 36. Name the various persons who proposed plans of union. 87. Who were the greatest among them? 38. How did the Board of Trade like conventions? 39. Why did Governor