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truest liberty. In the third place, the national state solves the question of the relation of central to local government, in that it rests upon the principle of self-government in both domains. In the perfect national state there can thus be no jealousy between the respective spheres; and the principle will be universally recognized that, where uniformity is necessary, it must exist; but that where uniformity is not necessary, variety is to reign in order that through it a deeper and truer harmony may be discovered. The national state is thus the most modern and the most complete solution of the whole problem of political organization which the world has as yet produced; and the fact that it is the creation of Teutonic political genius stamps the Teutonic nations as the political nations par excellence, and authorizes them, in the economy of the world, to assume the leadership in the establishment and administration of states.

63. The future of the national state. Willoughby suggests that nationality may be a transient phase of political development, and points out the influences tending toward "internationality."

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The tendency of course is, as indicated in Mill's definition, for Nations to constitute themselves as individual States, and it may be said that this demand for political unity constitutes the surest index to the existence of a national feeling. Hence, most publicists see in the national State the most perfect type of political development thus far attained.

The advancing enlightenment of the masses has been instrumental in creating the true feeling of nationality, that is to say, a demand for unity based upon some other ground than mere coercive political control; and the present century has seen the enormous influence that this principle has had in reforming the political map of Europe. At the same time the point may be made that it is not too much to expect that this same spirit of enlightenment that has thus given rise to this demand for a redemarcation of political boundaries will, in turn, as civilization continues to advance, make this demand less imperative. And for this reason: While at first the enlightenment of the masses creates in them a consciousness of their own individuality and solidarity, and thus a national feeling; at the same time, as the culture of the people increases, their sympathies become more cosmopolitan, and their appreciation of the true unity of all humanity more real. Ethnic, lingual, and even political unity will thus exercise comparatively less and less influence as Nations find themselves drawn into a higher and more intellectual union. At the same time, also, economic interests will tend more and more to cross national 1 Copyright, 1896, by The Macmillan Company.

and political boundaries) and thus unite with increasing closeness the material interests of different Peoples.

It may thus be entirely possible that the spirit of nationality at present so active in politics will prove to be a phase of civilization rather than a permanent product; and that while the realization of a true WorldState may never be possible, we may yet look forward to a growth of internationality that will largely deprive the feeling of nationality of its present force.

64. The newer democracy. In his recent book Dealey emphasizes the political experiments that are now being tried in certain places, and considers them the vanguard of a newer democracy.

No one is yet prepared to prophesy the outcome of this movement toward a radical humanitarian form of democracy. In quiet nooks of civilization, such as Finland, Sweden and Switzerland, in the "Wild West" of the United States, and on the fringes of civilization in Australasia, may be found the vanguard and fighting line of a newer democracy. Casting precedent to the winds, the governments in these localities are pressing to a logical conclusion the teaching that all political power should be exercised directly by the people themselves. In these experimental laboratories they seem to be trying every conceivable political policy. The electorates, made up of every adult man, and for the most part of every adult woman, are dictating the principles of the fundamental law and are working out startling policies of reform. By building up through careful investigation a scientific system of legal regulation, they hope to restrain the monopolistic tendencies of capital and to elevate standards of living for the "submerged tenth" and the "depressed classes." For these purposes the state does not hesitate, in one place or another, to authorize, as necessity demands, governmental ownership of lands, mines, waters and the usual agencies for transportation; nor to embark in all sorts of business enterprises, even to the extent of lending money at low rates of interest to its citizens and serving as "middle

" for them in the disposal of their products. These regions seem more anxious to abolish pauperism and crime than to multiply millionaires; apparently they listen more readily to the demands of labor than to the allurements of capital, and, strangely enough, seem more interested in the health and education of children than in their exploitation in the industries.

Yet, after all, these commonwealths combined form but a petty fraction of human society, and on the face of it there seems no possibility that such iridescent visions of democracy can ever dominate the idealism

of western civilization as a whole. Progress as a rule goes on halting feet and with leaden step. And yet, if ever "young men see visions,” there may come in their hearts an enthusiasm for a newer civilization founded on justice and intelligence. Then these seemingly rash and wellnigh chimerical experiments in democracy may pass into history as the silver lining of the clouds that hid a brighter day for mankind.

65. Political evolution of the future. The following striking sentence suggests the most important political tendency of the present day:

As we can follow through the feudal epoch the development of the monarchical idea which was to destroy feudalism, and as we can follow across the monarchical epoch the development of the national idea which was to throw dynastic interests back into the second place, so we can follow across the history of the last two centuries the development of economic and industrial interests, the social idea, which is destined to overthrow the national.

IV. SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVOLUTION

66. Aspects of the state. The following is a brief outline of the main phases of political evolution :

The various aspects assumed by the state in the course of its historical development may now be noted in review. In primitive times are to be traced the beginnings of the fundamental ideas involved in the theory of the modern state; the loosely organized horde represents the nation, and the power wielded by its natural leaders typifies the power of sovereignty in later times. The pastoral stage of the patriarchal period substituted the tribe for the horde, and gave greater definiteness to the organization of the community. The agricultural stage gave the clan or the village community, which slowly developed by conquest and alliance into loosely confederated empires. At the same time the influence of rapidly growing commerce gave birth to the city state, best known in the familiar Greek form, but found also in the medieval cities of Germany and Italy. In the East, in Greece under Alexander, and in Rome, as well as in later Europe, developed the idea of a world empire, the dream and the ambition of every great military leader of all times. This ideal was translated by Christianity into dreams of a spiritual empire in which all the nations of the world would pay allegiance to the Founder of the Faith, and, with the development of the Papacy, to his successor seated in St. Peter's chair at Rome.

The rise of commerce and the consequent differentiation of interests among the peoples of western Europe resulted in the formation of national states held firmly together by ties of common interests and nationality. Intercourse among these gave great impetus to the development of diplomacy, permanent embassies and international law, all designed to aid in the development of economic interests and the maintenance of peace. The discovery of America not only poured mineral wealth into the impoverished kingdoms of Europe, but ushered in the great era of colonization in which Spain, Portugal, Holland, France and Great Britain vied with one another in seeking out by exploration all of the unknown world that could be utilized for purposes of commerce and exploitation. A happy combination of circumstances developed in the United States of America the federation, an improved form of confederation, combining in one organization the advantages of autonomous commonwealths with the high centralization of an empire in matters of general policy. This form, so well adapted to the needs of great empires, is rapidly proving its utility as a form of government; indeed, the time may yet come when the smaller states will best secure their autonomy and nationality by uniting in federation with one another and with the larger leading states.

67. Contributions of nations to political civilization. The following broad summary indicates the lines along which the great historic states have contributed to the political ideas of the present:

After a survey of political evolution and differentiation, he would have a difficult task who should try to estimate with any completeness the relative contribution of the world's great historic states to political civilization. Yet it would be easy enough to see that in India, in Egypt, on the plains of China and of Mesopotamia and in the cities and harbors of Asia Minor, there developed great patriarchal and commercial empires which fixed the fundamental type of state for civilized man; and that, notwithstanding the rise and fall of dynasties and races, the petty states of early Europe inherited from the East and the South all that was really valuable of a decadent civilization.

In Phoenicia, the most modern of ancient Asiatic governments, and in Carthage its great colony, in Greece and in Rome, centered the contributions of preceding ages, as each, one after the other, assumed prominence and made its own offering to the common stock. From the first three came that emphasis on commerce and colonization, which makes a modern Englishman feel perfectly at home as he reads of the expansion policy of these nations; Athens, in addition, taught philosophers how to reason about the principles of government and to work toward higher

and better standards of political life. The genius of Rome lay by contrast in its emphasis on law and administration. By the aid of Greek philosophy it enlarged its customary law into a code that will stand for many future centuries, as the high-water mark of attainment in respect to civil rights. By its administrative and centralizing capacity it developed a system of political organization that finds its best expression to-day in the imperialistic hierarchy of the Roman Catholic church, and in the highly centralized governmental organization of France. From England in later centuries came an efficient judicial system, a successful colonial policy and a parliament working out through a joint cabinet an harmonious coöperation of governmental and civic interests. France, a true daughter of the Roman empire, as shown by its capacity in war, in law and in administration, came to the front in the eighteenth century, set fire to the dry tinder of European politics and intoxicated the political world with the inspiration derived from the "Marseillaise," the pursuit of glory, and the ideals of democracy contained in the motto, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. This influence spread through western and southern Europe, passed to the Latin colonies in South America, rivaling there the competing influences of Spain and the United States, and even affected in the latter country the policies of such democratic leaders as Jefferson and Monroe. Germany and Japan are adding their contributions to the world state in the form of applications of scientific principles to governmental functions and organization, thereby overcoming natural handicaps. The United States also is no mean factor in the modern political world. From it has come the federation, the written constitution, a humanitarianism cosmopolitan in its scope and a wide application of the principles of democracy. This development has been greatly aided by its freedom from military necessities, its system of general education and the inventive capacity of its people, devoted to the development of a large, wellwatered, fertile land rich in fuels and minerals. Through these the nation, with its composite racial population, is deeply impressing its governmental type on the political systems of the world, and has by no means yet reached the height of its powers. Add to all these the many experiments being made in odd corners of the earth, such as in Australasia, Finland, Scandinavia and Switzerland, and the conviction might readily grow that the state, in its governmental functioning and organization, is still plastic, is still adapting itself to newer conditions and by steady improvement is becoming unquestionably the great agency through which humanity will continue to accomplish its ends of social development.

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