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it by holding a special meeting, and publicly expressing their abhorrence of the act. On this occasion an article appeared in the Mercury of 1737-8, against Benjamin Franklin, who was privy to some of the affair, and his vindication is given in his paper, No. 479, entirely exculpating himself.

At the era of the revolution, Dr. John Kearsley, although otherwise a citizen of good character and standing, became exposed to the scoffs and insults of the people, by his ardent loyalism: being naturally impetuous in his temper, he gave much umbrage to the whigs of the day, by his rash expressions. It was intended, therefore, to sober his feelings by the argument of "tar and feathers." He was seized at midday, at his own door, in Front a little below High street, by a party of the militia, and in his attempt to resist them he received a bayonet wound in his hand. Mr. Graydon, a bystander, has told the sequel. He was forced into a cart, and, amidst a multitude of boys and idlers, paraded though the streets to the tune of the Rogue's March. The concourse brought him before the Coffee-house, where they halted; the doctor, foaming with rage and indignation, without a hat, his wig dishevelled, and himself bloody from his wounded hand, stood up in the cart and called for a bowl of punch; when so vehement was his thirst, that he swallowed it all ere he took it from his lips. "I was shocked," says Graydon, " at the spectacle, thus to see a lately respected citizen so vilified." It is grateful to add, however, that they proceeded to no further violence, thus proving that a Philadelphia mob has some sense of restraint. But although the doctor was allowed to escape the threatened tar and feathers, the actual indignity so inflamed and maddened his spirit, that his friends had to confine him for a time, as an insane. He died during the war-a resident at Carlisle. In contradistinguishing him from his once popular uncle of the same name and profession, he was usually called "tory doctor."

Of Quacks.

The forced display and quackery of medicine, as we now see it in staring capitals, saluting us with impudent front at every turn, is an affair of modern growth and patronage-all full of promise for renovating age!

"Roses for the cheeks,

And lilies for the brows of faded age,

Teeth for the toothless, ringlets for the bald!"

On topics like these, our simple forefathers were almost wholly silent. Yet we have on record some " fond dreams of hope," of good Mrs. Sibylla Masters, (wife of Thomas,) who went out to England, in 1711-12, to make her fortune abroad, by the patent and sale of her "Tuscarora rice," so called. It was her preparation from our Indian corn, made into something like our hominy, and which she

then strongly recommended as a food peculiarly adapted for the relief and recovery of consumptive and sickly persons. After she had procured the patent, her husband set up a water-mill and suitable works near Philadelphia, to make it in quantities for sale. There was much lack of consumptive people in those robust days. Possibly some one may now take the hint, and revive it for the benefit of the sufferers and themselves!

About the year 1739, I saw much said in the gazettes of the newlydiscovered virtues of the Seneka rattlesnake root; and while the excitement was high, Dr. John Tennant got 100 from the Virginia colony, for proving its use in curing the pleurisy.

In October, 1745, Francis Torres, a Frenchman, (probably the first, and for a long time lonely and neglected quack, in our annals) advertises the sale of the Chinese stone, with some powders, both to be applied outwardly, and to effect strange cures indeed all ably proved by his certificates! The stone was a chemical preparation; when applied to the bite of a rattlesnake, or any such poison, it cured immediately. It could draw off humours, cancers, swellings, pains, rheumatisms, toothache; greatly mitigated labour pains, and pangs of the gout, &c. Might it not be a good investment to again introduce some from China? Such a stone would prove the philosopher's stone-like Midas' finger, converting what it touched to goldthe usual desideratum in those who sell.

Location of first Hospitals, &c.

When city physicians made their calls on foot, it is obvious that it was a convenience to have their hospital and poorhouse much nearer than they now are. The hospital, therefore, a two-story house of double front, lately standing, was the hired house of Judge Kinsey, on the south side of High street, fourth house west of Fifth street, having then much open ground and fruit trees in the rear. The poorhouse, at the same time, was near the centre of an open meadow, extending from Spruce to Pine, and from Third to Fourth streets.

In the time of the war, as has been told under its appropriate head, they made use of several empty private houses for the reception of the sick soldiery by the camp fever. The house of the present Schuylkill Bank, at the south-east corner of Sixth and High streets, then deserted by the tory owner, Lawyer Galloway, was filled with those feeble men of war. At the same time, the large building in Chestnut street (late Judge Tilghman's) was also so used.

Yellow Fever of 1793.

No history of Philadelphia would be complete, which should overlook the eventful period of 1793, when the fatal yellow fever made its ravages there. It is an event which should never be forgotten; because, whether we regard it as a natural or a spiritual scourge, (ef

fected by the divine power,) it is a calamity which may revisit us, and which, therefore, should be duly considered, or we suffer it to lose its proper moral influence.

The medical histories and official accounts of that disastrous period are in print before the public, and, in general terms, give the statement of the rise, progress, and termination of the disease, and the lists of the weekly, monthly, and total deaths: but the ideas of the reader are too generalized to be properly affected with the measure of individual sufferings; therefore, the facts which I have preserved on that memorable occasion, are calculated to supply that defect, and to bring the whole home to people's interests and bosoms.

Let the reader think of a desolation which shut up nearly all the usual churches; their pastors generally fled, and their congregations scattered; the few that still assembled in small circles for religious exercises, not without just fears that their assembling might communicate the disease from one to the other. No light and careless hearers then appeared, and no flippant preaching to indulge itching ears: all, all was solemn and impressive. They then felt and thought they should not all meet again on a like occasion; death, judgment, and eternity then possessed the minds of all who so assembled.

Look, then, in which way you would through the streets, and you saw the exposed coffins on chair-wheels, either in quick motion, or you saw the wheels drawn before houses to receive their pestilential charge. Then family, friends, or mourners scarcely ever accompanied them; and no coffins were adorned to please the eye; but coarse, stained wood, of hasty fabric, received them all. The graves were not dug singly, but pits, which might receive many before entire filling up, were opened. In the streets you met no cheerful, heedless faces, but pensive downcast eyes and hurried steps, hastening to the necessary calls of the sick.

Then the haunts of vice were shut up; drunkenness and revelling found no companions; tavern doors grew rusty on their hinges; the lewd or merry song was hushed; lewdness perished or was banished, and men generally called upon God. Men saluted each other as if doubting to be met again, and their conversation for the moment was about their several losses and sufferings.

The facts of "moving incidents," in individual cases, prepared for the present article, have been necessarily excluded from lack of room, but may hereafter be consulted on pages 210 to 213 in my MS. Annals in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

THE POST.

"He comes! the herald of a noisy world;

News from all nations, lumb'ring at his back!"

THERE is nothing in which the days of "Auld Lang Syne" more differ from the present, than in the astonishing facilities now afforded for rapid conveyances from place to place, and, of course, in the quick delivery of communications by the mail. Before the year 1755, five to six weeks were consumed in writing to and receiving an answer from Boston. All the letters were conveyed on horseback, at a snail-pace gait-slow, but sure. The first stage between Boston and New York commenced on the 24th of June, 1772, to run once a fortnight, as "a useful, new, and expensive undertaking;" "to start on the 13th, and to arrive either to or from either of those places on the 25th," thus making thirteen days of travel! Now, it travels the same distance in fourteen hours! The first stage between New York and Philadelphia, begun in 1756, occupied three days, and now it accomplishes it in six hours!

Nor are those former prolonged movements peculiar to us. It was even so with our British ancestors, not very long before us! We have a specimen of their sluggish doings in this matter, as late as the year 1712. "The New Castle Courant" of that year contains a stage advertisement, saying that "all who desire to pass from Edinboro' to London, or from London to Edinboro', let them repair to Mr. John Baillie's, &c., every other Saturday and Monday, at both of which places they may be received in a stage coach, which performs the whole journey in thirteen days, without stoppage, (if God permit,) having eighty able horses to perform the whole stage." Now the same distance is performed in forty-six hours! On the whole, it is manifest the whole civilized world have learned to move every where with accelerated motion! The facts, as they were in the olden time, are to the following effect, to wit:

In July, 1683, William Penn issued an order for the establishment of a post office, and granted to Henry Waldy, of Tekonay, authority to hold one, and "to supply passengers with horses from Philadelphia to New Castle, or to the Falls." The rates of postage were, to wit:— "Letters from the Falls to Philadelphia, 3d.-to Chester, 5d.-to New Castle, 7d.-to Maryland, 9d.-and from Philadelphia to Chester, 2d.-to New Castle, 4d.-and to Maryland 6d." This post went once a week, and was to be carefully published "on the meeting

* «Madam Knight's Journal," of the year 1704, shows that she was two weeks in riding with the postman, as her guide, from Boston to New York. In most of the towns she saw Indians. She often saw wampum passing as money among the people; but 6d. a meal, at inns, &c. Tobacco was used and sold under the name of black junk. Mrs. Shippen, soon after her marriage in 1702, came from Boston to Philadelphia on horseback, bringing a baby on her lap.

house door, and other public places." These facts I found in the MSS. of the Pemberton family. A regular act for a post-office at Philadelphia was first enacted in the year 1700.

Colonel John Hamilton, of New Jersey, and son of Governor Andrew Hamilton, first devised the post-office scheme for British America, for which he obtained a patent, and the profits accruing. Afterwards, he sold it to the crown, and a member of parliament was appointed for the whole, with a right to have his substitute reside in New York.

In December, 1717, Jonathan Dickinson writes to his correspond ent, saying, "We have a settled post from Virginia and Maryland unto us, and goes through all our northern colonies, whereby advices from Boston unto Williamsburg, in Virginia, is completed in four weeks, from March to December, and in double that time in the other months of the year."

In 1722, the Gazette says,-" We have been these three days ex pecting the New York post, as usual, but he is not yet arrived," although three days over his time!

In 1727, the mail to Annapolis is opened this year to go once a fortnight in summer and once a month in winter, via New Castle, &c., to the Western Shore, and back to the Eastern Shore; managed by William Bradford in Philadelphia, and by William Parks in Annapolis.

In December, 1729, the Gazette announces, that "while the New York post continues his fortnight stage, we shall publish but once a week as in former times." In the summer it went once a week.

In 1738, Henry Pratt is made riding postmaster for all the stages between Philadelphia and Newport, in Virginia; to set out in the beginning of each month, and to return in twenty-four days. Το him, all merchants, &c., may confide their letters and other business, he having given security to the postmaster general. In this day we can have but little conception of his lonely rides through imperfect roads; of his laying out at times all night, and giving his horse a range of rope to browse, while he should make his letter-pack his pillow, on the ground!

In 1744, it is announced in the Gazette, that the "northern post begins his fortnight stages on Tuesday next, for the winter season." In 1745, John Dalley, surveyor, states that he has just made survey of the road from Trenton to Amboy, and had set up marks at every two miles, to guide the traveller. It was done by private subscriptions, and he proposes to do the whole road from Philadelphia to New York, in the same way, if a sum can be made up!

In 1748, when Professor Kalm arrived at Philadelphia from London, many of the inhabitants came on board his vessel for letters. Such as were not called for, were taken to the Coffee-house, where every body could make inquiry for them, thus showing that, then, the post-office did not seem to claim a right to distribute them as now. In 1753, the delivery of letters by the penny post was first begun.

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