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tween the respective kings, and the same fortune might befall himself. All that he required of him was, that he would remember the house of Espinay, the lords of which did not go to war for the sake of acquiring riches, being rich enough, but to gain honour, and to uphold their ancient reputation. The only ransom, therefore, that he desired would be four English horses, such as were worthy to be presented to the princes and princesses, for whom he intended them. As a further courtesy, he restored the fine Spanish horse which had become his by the right of arms; but this the grateful Englishman refused to accept, requesting his captor to keep it in remembrance of him, "and, that you may be the more reminded of me, said he, I will change its name: it has hitherto been called Bedford, after my mistress; henceforth let it be called Dudley." The story proceeds to say, that the lord admiral who had provided 7000 crowns for his son's ransom, had all the studs in England searched to select the six finest horses that could be found; that he sent with them six mastiffs, which would be almost as acceptable a present; and that, as a memorial of his obligation to M. d'Espinay and mareschal de Vieilleville, he set up their arms in the painted windows of all his mansions.*

* Mem. de Vieilleville, 202-207. The historian of M. de Vieilleville has embellished the story with circumstances which cannot be true.

Henry II. joined his army on the 23d of August, 1549, and the campaign was concluded in three weeks from that time. (Mém. de Vieilleville, 201.) Now, the first earl of Bedford was not raised to that title till the ensuing year (Collins's Peerage, i. 268.); consequently that name could not have been given to a horse in honour of a daughter of lord Russell, or of her father, at that time.

But this is not the only conclusive proof against the circumstances with which the story has been set out. Ambrose Dudley married Anne, daughter to the second earl of Bedford, which earl succeeded to that title ten years after the date of this story, in the 27th year of his age. Of course he could have had no marriageable daughter at this time. The lady Anne Russell was the third wife of this Dudley, and he was probably a married man in 1549, for his first wife died in 1552, and their son died before her. (Collins's Mem. of the Sydneys, &c. p. 39.)

The story, then, is demonstrably false in these particulars. I should be sorry to infer from it that the old French memoirs are as little to be trusted as those of the present age; and, though the tale has been thus embellished without regard to truth, I have not discredited it altogether. The other circumstances are honourable to the French, and, therefore, an English historian is bound in honour to relate them,

I must observe, however, that the challenge is said to have arisen from

Among the charges brought against the protector Somerset, in the first proceedings against him for misdemeanours and high treason, was his neglect in supplying and reinforcing the forts about Boulogne, "albeit he was advertised of their defaults."* To this neglect their loss was imputed. Dudley took care that a charge which had been made instrumental for the overthrow of his great rival should not be used against himself; he lost no time in sending over the foreign troops, by whose help the insurrection in England had been suppressed; and, before the close of the year, 3000 English troops joined them in the marches of Calais. Chastillon made several attempts against Boulogne during the winter; but the spirit which was manifested there, convinced him not only that the place was tenable, but that it would be well maintained; and when negotiations for peace were opened his opinion was, that, considering the certain cost of life which must be incurred in besieging the place, it was better to obtain Boulogne by purchase than by conquest. France obtained honour enough in the transaction; for Francis I. had acknowledged a debt of 2,000,000 crowns to the crown of England as arrears of pension, and Henri II. absolutely refused to pay it, saying he never would render himself tributary to any prince; it was therefore more a mark of weakness in England to accept of 400,000 crowns for the immediate restitution of Boulogne than in France to offer it. The king himself, shortly after its delivery, repaired thither, and, entering the town with all the royal pomp that might be, offered a great image of silver to the Lady of the place, instead of that which had been carried off by the English at the time of the capture. †

The navy had been much diminished during the

high words which passed between M. de Vieilleville and the protector So merset; and that the account which Vincent Carloix gives of that dispute is to be distrusted, because it begins with alleging an imaginary article in the treaty of peace (see p. 243.).

Howell's State Trials, ii. 511.

+ Mem. de Vieilleville, 211. Holinshed, 1022.

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A.D.

short reign of Edward VI., and that of Mary opened with an ill omen. The Great Harry, "the notablest ship in England, was burnt at Woolwich through the carelessness of the sailors."* But in this unhappy reign England had to endure persecution in its fiercest form at home, and disgrace abroad. When the king of 1557. France received a declaration of war on the part of England, less for any national ground of hostilities or provocation, either real or alleged, than in consequence of the matrimonial alliance of Philip and Mary, he replied to the herald, in presence of his nobles and of the foreign ambassadors at his court, that he accepted the declaration, but wished it to be known by all, that, as iar as in him lay, he had fully observed all the conditions of the peace between the French and English, and had cultivated in good faith the friendship of the queen: he hoped, therefore, that God would show his displeasure at this breach of treaty, and that this war would prove detrimental to the English, as the last and so many former ones had proved.† A force of 1000 horse, 4000 foot, and 2000 pioneers were sent to co-operate with the Spaniards: they served at the siege of St. Quentin; and, having proved their courage in the assault ́ by which that town was carried, brought a reproach upon themselves and their country by the excesses which they committed in the sackage. The war was not popular in England at its commencement; it was felt there that the queen, contrary to promise, had tangled herself in her husband's quarrel," and, when no occasion for a breach of peace had been offered, had sought one wilfully. But when public rejoicings for the battle of St. Quentin and the capture of the town were made throughout England by the queen's command, the giddy people exulted as heartily as if the victory had been obtained in a national cause; a sudden and short gladness, which, as the chronicler has said, was soon turned to a great and long sorrow.

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* Holinshed, iv. 5.

+ Thuanus, lib. xix. p. 529. Rabutin, Coll. du Mem. f. 39. 9. 298.

A. D.

The English government was apprised that an attempt was likely to be made upon Calais. The intelligence was either disbelieved or disregarded; and when Philip sent the like advices to his queen, and proposed to reinforce the garrison, which was much too weak for the defence of such a place, with a body of Spanish troops, the offer, from a jealousy as groundless as it was ill-timed, was declined.

The plan had been formed by the seigneur de 1558. Senarpont, the king's lieutenant in Picardy, and communicated by him to admiral Coligny and the constable Montmorency; and, if the battle of St. Quentin had proved favourable to the French, the latter was immediately to have undertaken it. After the loss of that battle, the greatest exertions were made for bringing another army into the field. The duc de Guise was appointed to the command; it was determined in council not to employ this force in attempting to recover the places which the Spaniards had recently taken, because they were well fortified and supplied; and, moreover, there was reason to apprehend that the soldiers would take the field without hope of victory, if they were to engage near the scene of their late overthrow. On the other hand, the very confidence of the English afforded good prospect of succeeding in an attack upon Calais, and success there would abundantly compensate for all their losses. There is a spirit of miserable economy, which oftentimes proves, in state affairs, more costly than even a prodigal expenditure: Calais was thought secure from assault during the winter, and, for that reason, its garrison was reduced to one third in the winter months. The lord deputy Wentworth represented the danger of thus depriving it of the means of defence; but his representations were treated with contempt, and the court of France failed not to profit by an imprudence which could not be concealed. Early in November, Strozzi and d'Elbene reconnoitred the place and all its adjacent forts: they went in disguise, and performed their object perfectly. The attention of

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the Spaniards was diverted by movements in Champagne, as if Luxemburg and Arlon were threatened. Guise, meantime, made it appear that he was engaged in victualling the castle of Dourlan, and afterwards, in storing and reinforcing the garrisons of Ardres and Boulogne; but, having secretly brought together his forces, A. D. he entered the English pale suddenly on New Year's 1559. day; and, sending one part of his army along the downs to Risebank, marched with the other to Nieulay, or Newnham Bridge, and, attacking in great force a little outwork at the village of St. Agatha, at the entrance of the causeway leading to that fort, got possession of it without difficulty, the garrison taking flight to Newnham. Thither he followed, commenced his approaches, and had his batteries ready to open by daybreak.*

men.

This first success, as it encouraged the French, is said to have disheartened the English. They had cause to be disheartened; the lord deputy knew that he could spare no assistance for the defence of the outworks, and therefore ordered the captain at Newnham, as soon as the place should be seriously attacked, to bring off his This, accordingly, was done; and, at the same time, Risebank surrendered with its garrison. Thus, on the third morning, Guise had gained possession of two most important posts, one commanding the entrance of the harbour, the other the other the approach across the marshes from Flanders. Having stationed part of his army to cut off the communication with Guisnes, he broke ground before the town, making his first attack against the Water Gate, and leading the besieged to suppose that this was the point at which his main efforts were directed, that they might "have the less regard unto the defence of the castle, which was the weakest part of the town, and the place where they were ascertained by their espials to win easy entry." While the garrison, being thus deceived, wasted their exertions in repairing a false breach, he planted fifteen double cannons

* Rabutin, Coll. des Mém. xxxix. 143–149. Thuanus, xx. 554. Holinshed, iv. 90.