remained firm to his purpose; and the ground on which he rested was so valid, that he obtained from the duke letters of remission, and returned home accordingly.*

The duke was then left inferior in numbers to the force which was advancing from Normandy; but that which he had with him consisted of experienced menat-arms. He arrived with them at Abbeville a day before the English reached the abbey of St. Valery, where they quartered themselves. He reinforced the town with stores of every kind; so that the townsmen, when asked whether they thought themselves able to hold out in case they should be besieged, replied in full confidence of so doing. His plan was, not to make any engagement for giving battle on an appointed day, but to avoid a general action, to guard all the defiles and fords, cut off the supplies of the enemy, and attack them in their quarters, or wherever they should find them at advantage; a plan more prudently laid than steadily pursued. Expecting them to pass at the ford of Blanchetaque, he prepared for defending that passage with cannon and other engines: Talbot, therefore, directed his march toward another ford, which had been left unprotected, perhaps because it was more difficult.

Some three or four hundred of the English, as soon as they had fixed their quarters in the abbey, crossed the river at a ford above Crotoy, and foraged the whole of the country round the newly erected blockhouse, and even as far as the town of Rue, making some men at arms prisoners, with their horses and baggage, and meeting with nothing to oppose them. Very early on the morrow the whole army marched, and forded the river in good order, the water, when half the infantry crossed, being mid-deep. They drew up, on an eminence above the town, in battle array. This was in sight of the blockhouse; and the besiegers, expecting now themselves to be besieged, made preparations for a brave defence.

Monstrelet, 51–53.

+Hall says "the 'men went in the water up to the chin, so glad were they to rescue their fellows."

SIEGE OF CROTOY RAISED.

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87

a tall

Many were created knights on this occasion: one of them is designated as the tall bastard of Renty; but it does not appear that he acquitted himself as man" in the sequel. But the English had no intention of giving the enemy the advantage of their works: they advanced to Forest Monstier, some six miles off, quartered themselves there awhile, and afterwards at La Broye, a large village on the Authie, which was full of provisions, and from whence they foraged all around. On their departure, they burnt the village, and advanced to Auxi, from thence also foraging in small parties, and in all directions, without encountering the slightest opposition. It seems as if the duke had learnt so well what the courage of the English was, when he was in alliance with England, that he entertained a proper respect for it ever after. He remained in Abbeville himself; and, instead of watching, as he had intended, for any opportunity of harassing the enemy, he distributed his men among the principal towns and castles in that part of his territories. And, beginning now to have some misgiving, lest the blockhouse which he had constructed before Crotoy should do as little credit to its defenders as that which he had built before Calais, he sent Jean de Croy and the bailiff of Amiens to inspect it, and ascertain whether the garrison were disposed to defend it gallantly. So far, however, was this from being the prevailing sentiment, that it was soon perceived they wished to be any where else, provided they could get away without loss of honour. Disappointed as the duke was in his hopes, and perhaps in his expectations, by this report, he wished, for his own credit as well as for theirs, that they should leave the place like soldiers: he determined, therefore, with the advice of his ministers, that the stores should be packed up, and the men at arms retreat with them and the artillery to the town of Rue, after setting fire to the blockhouse." The garrison, however," says Monstrelet, "made no such honourable retreat." The greater part of them mutinied against their chiefs, without any rea

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sonable cause, and, leaving not only the artillery, stores, and baggage, but most of their armour also, fled rather than marched to Rue, the English from Crotoy shouting after them, as they would have done to a ribald mob." The only part of the duke's instructions which they observed was, that they secretly set fire to the outwork, and the flames, communicating to the blockhouse, consumed it. The captains, among whom were some of the most tried and approved men in the duke's service, had no alternative but to make the best of their way, first to Rue, and thence to other places under their obedience. Much blame was cast upon the knights and esquires of Picardy for their shameful retreat : they excused themselves by throwing the blame upon the archers. The English, whose prudence in not attacking the bastille was fully proved by this event, seeing that the object of their expedition was effected, moved from Auxi, "which was a fair and considerable place," and burnt it to the ground. The great object was accomplished; but while Kiriel, having victualled Crotoy for twelve months with the stores which the besiegers had abandoned, carried the ordnance and carriages which he had captured into Normandy, Talbot sent word to the duke that Picardy should be laid waste, unless he would come forth like a valiant prince and give him battle. The duke knew his enemy too well to accept of such an invitation; he withdrew from Abbeville to Amiens, and Talbot carried his threat into execution, destroying and burning all that he could see or come to" in that county and in the Artois ; till, satisfied with havoc, he re-crossed the Somme at the same place where he had before forded, and returned into Normandy, carrying away many prisoners, much cattle, and much plunder. The only loss which the English had suffered was that some thirty or forty of their foragers had been caught when straggling, and hanged.*

The duke, thus baffled a second time, and not with

* Monstrelet, 54-59. Hall, 188. Holinshed, 192.

COMMERCIAL RESTRICTIONS.

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out loss of reputation, retired to Hesdin.* This second failure made him, like an angry gamester, more bent upon a further trial of his fortune. After deliberating upon many plans, he ordered the count d'Estampes and Antoine de Croy, with 5000 men, to enter the county A. D. of Guisnes, and break down the principal dyke in those 1438, parts, in expectation that, even if he should not succeed in drowning the town of Calais and the surrounding country, he should at least reduce it to such a condition that the English would be compelled to abandon it. Some engineers were so unskilful that they persuaded him this might be effected: the labourers, however, of whom a great number had been brought together, had not been long employed before they discovered that no inundation which could ever be brought about by such means would either endanger the loss of the place or annoy the garrison. The silly enterprise, therefore, was given over after they had broken down the bridge of Nieulay, and some smaller dykes †, which were easily repaired.

A truce, which had been "taken for a small time, and for a less observed,” scarcely interrupted the course of these hostilities. But the duchess of Burgundy, a wise and good princess, nearly akin to the reigning house of Plantagenet, used all her endeavours to bring about a peace with England. The duke's hopes of aggrandising himself by the war were abated, and the more industrious part of his subjects suffered severely from the stoppage of their cloth manufactures, no wool being imported from England. Ypres felt this especially.

Men were thrown out of work and bread, in a time of extreme dearth. Smuggling no doubt had its beginning as soon as custom-house duties were imposed. There existed at this time a law by which all manner of merchandise, whether entering the realm of England or going out, should be forfeited if it were landed or

"Haviendo," says Sueyro, "gastado inutilmente tanto en los aparejos, en que se hechava bien de ver, que le estuviera mejor a Phelipe no separarse del Ingles; pues con tener en su campo la gente mas escogida, y los capitanes mas insignes, volvio con menos reputacion a Hesdin." P. 302-3. † Monstrelet, 113, 114. Sueyro, 307.

put on board in creeks and small landing places, instead of the great ports, except when vessels had been driven into such creeks "by cohersion of tempest of the sea. But as the facilities of smuggling are in proportion to the degree of intercourse between the countries concerned, the supply of any bulky commodity which could be introduced must in those days have been very inconsiderable. Already the warlike governments of Europe had begun to make war upon the resources of an enemy by impeding his commerce; what had always been practised as the law of the strongest being now directly regarded as a measure of policy. This, of course, led to the fabrication of false papers and forged passports; and when an enemy's ship was brought into an English port, false witnesses were provided to swear that the goods on board were neutral property. This being " to the great hinderance of the captors and abashment of the courage of the king's liege people," an act was passed that all goods taken in an enemy's ship should be considered as legal prize for the three years ensuing, and longer if it should please the king, " insomuch," the law stated, "that it is not contrary to the league made between him and some of his allies." + Four years afterwards this law was modified, and alien merchants were allowed to lade enemy's ships, provided the masters, owners, or merchants of the said ships took out letters patent of the king's safe-conduct, surety, and safeguard. It was soon found that such letters patent were forged as easily as false papers; and it was then enacted that they should be of no avail unless they were enrolled in the king's chancery; the reason assigned for this being, that by the fraudulent practices which it was intended to suppress, the king's enemies were greatly enriched, and their navies strongly increased, while the navy and merchandise of the realm greatly diminished; whereas, "if people of the king's amity were feared and dis+ 14 Hen. 6. c. 7.

* 4 Hen. 6. c. 20.

18 Hen. 6. c. 8.