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dem ad arbitrium imposita sunt conditoris, primogenia tamen nomina non amittunt, quæ eis Assyria lingua institutores veteres indiderunt". The story which Plutarch records, of what happened in the court of Parthia, after the death of Crassus, and at the time of the theatrical representations which were going on when the news of that event was brought there, or instituted because of it, is a proof that the knowledge of Greek was no common accomplishment in Armenia or Parthiad. He speaks also of the Parthian and Syriac languages as such, in his Life of Antonye. Longinus was Zenobia's instructor in Greek; yet Syriac was the court or state language of Palmyra, in which all official communications were madef: and according to Epiphanius, the purest dialect in Syria was the Palmyrene g. The disputatio of Archelaus and Manes, held about A. D. 276, was written originally in the Syriacht. Archelaus in one part of it addresses his adversary in these terms: Persa barbare, non Græcorum linguæ, non Ægyptiorum, non Romanorum, non ullius alterius linguæ scientiam habere potuisti; sed Chaldæorum solum, quæ ne in numerum quidem aliquem ducitur; nullum alium loquentem audire potesi.

Philostratus, in his Life of Apollonius of Tyana, supposes his hero endued with the gift of tongues k:

* Cf. Ammianus Marcellinus, xviii. 5. and Procopius, De Bello Persico, ii. 2. and De Bello Gotthico, iii. 26. We might add, that Latin was as little understood in the same quarters. Tiva γὰρ ἔσεσθαι συμφωνίαν ἐν αὐτοῖς, μήτε τῆς ἀλλήλων φωνῆς συνιεῖσιν, K.T.λ. was the answer returned

c xiv. 8. 42.

d Crassus, 32. 33.

g Operum i. 629. C. Manichæi, xiii.

e

by the Parthian king Artabanus, A. D. 216 or 217. to the proposal of the Roman emperor Antoninus (Caracalla) to marry his daughter. Herodian, iv. 19.

+ Archelaus was bishop of Caschara, a city of Mesopotamia. Socrates, E. H. i. xxii. 56. D.

Cap. 46. f Vopiscus, Aurelianus, 30.
h Jerome, Operum iv. Pars iia. 120.

De SS. Ecclesiasticis, lxxii. i Cap. 36: Reliquiæ Sacræ, iv. 224.
P. 25. A. B.

k i. 13.

καὶ μὴν καὶ τὰς φωνὰς τῶν βαρβάρων ὁπόσαι εἰσίν· εἰσὶ δὲ ἄλλη μὲν ̓Αρμενίων, ἄλλη δὲ Μήδων τε καὶ Περσῶν, ἄλλη δὲ Καδουσίων· μεταλαμβάνω πάσας. He makes him put this question to Bardanes, king of Parthia : ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἔφη, τὴν φωνὴν τὴν Ἑλλάδα πᾶσαν γινώσκεις, ἢ σμικρὰ αὐτ τῆς; . . πᾶσαν, εἶπεν, ἴσα τῇ ἐγχωρίῳ ταύτῃ. Aristides also implies that a king of Parthia would not necessarily be able to speak Greek, where he observes in his ἱεροὶ λόγοι, in an account of one of his dreams, προσιόντων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Βολόγεσον, φωνὴν εἶναι οὐκ ὀλίγην, καὶ δοκεῖν αὐτοὺς ἑλληνίζειν w. Dio Chrysostom, in like manner, enumerates the Phoenician as one of the principal languages, along with the Persian, Greek, or Syrian : καὶ νομίζουσι τὸν πλεῖστα γράμματα εἰδότα Περσικά τε καὶ Ἑλληνικὰ καὶ τὰ Σύρων καὶ τὰ Φοινίκων τοῦτον σοφώτατον—ὥσπερ οἱ δύο ή τρία Περσικὰ εἰδότες ῥήματα ἢ Μηδικὰ ἢ Ασσύρια, τοὺς ἀγνοοῦντας ἐξαπατῶσιν η *

Josephus tells us of an occasion when Titus addressed the people of the Jews by an interpreter, which he says was a mark of superiority: and so it might be, if it is thereby implied that he spoke to them in Latin. But it by no means follows, that the use of this interpreter was to translate Latin into Greek, for their better understanding of it; and not into Hebrew, or the native language of the country. Paulus Æmilius addressed the conquered Macedonians by an interpreter likewiser, in order, as we are told expressly, to

* Ælian, De Natura Animam lium, v. 51: ὁ γοῦν Σκύθης ἄλλως φθέγγεται, καὶ ὁ Ἰνδὸς ἄλλως, καὶ ὁ Αἰθίοψ ἔχει φωνὴν συμφυῆ, καὶ οἱ Σάκαι, φωνὴ δὲ Ἑλλὰς ἄλλη, καὶ ̔Ρωμαία ἄλλη, κ, τ. λ. Porphyry, Περί ἀποχῆς ζώων, iii. 3. 218, 219. re

1 i. 20. pag. 43. Α. o De Bello, vi. vi. 2.

m i. xxiii. 454. 4. p Livy, xlv. 29.

cognises the Indian, Scythian, Thracian, Syrian, and Persian, as current languages in his own time, (the latter half of the third century,) just as much as the Greek.

- Oratio iv. 151. 35 : Σ. 304. 24.

translate what he himself spoke in Latin, intelligibly to them in Greek. Constantine addressed the assembled bishops, at the opening of the council of Nice, in Latin, translated by an interpreter 9*; though both he was able to speak Greek, and they all understood it. But Latin was the court or state language, and the medium of communication on all great occasions †.

It is an observation of Chrysostom's, Operum vii. 756. D. Homilia in Matt. lxxviii. 4: καθάπερ γὰρ ὅταν ̔Ρωμαῖος ὢν ὁ κριτὴς τύχῃ, οὐκ ἀκούσεται ἀπολογουμένου τοῦ οὐκ εἰδότος οὕτω φθέγγεσθαι, κ, τ.λ.

The Latin language, under any circumstances, would be more agreeable to a Roman ear than the Greek. Tiberius forbad the use of Greek in public discussions, or public documents. Juvenal tells his friend, whom he had invited to dine with him, that if he had occasion to call his servant, he must do it in Latin: for he had not been taught Greek. Cum posces, posce Latine. xi. 148. And Ovid, while he supposes the knowledge of both languages, gives the preference to the Latin Sive tamen Graja scierit, sive ille Latina | Voce loqui; certe gratior hujus erit. stium iii. xii. 39.

Tri

The knowledge of Latin, as was natural-(that being the language of the lords and masters of the greatest part of mankind-) was become in the time of Plutarch almost an universal accomplishment: ὡς δοκεῖ μοι περὶ Ρωμαίων λέγειν, ὧν μὲν λόγῳ νῦν ὁμοῦ τι πάντες ἄνθρωποι χρῶνται. Platonicæ quæstiones, Operum x. 198.

Constantine's circular letter addressed to each of the provinces of the empire, after the defeat of Licinius, A. D. 323. was written in Greek and Latin: Eusebius, Vita Constantini, ii. xxiii. 454. D. Cf. Eusebius, Vita Constantini, ii. xxiii. et quæ sequuntur: ii. xlvii. 466: iv. xix. and xx. 535. B. C: xxxii. 541. D: xxxv. 543. C.

Socrates, E. H. ii. xx. 101. B. tells us the western bishops did not understand Greek, or at least not so well as Latin ; which was one reason why they rejected the formulary of faith set forth by the second council of Antioch, (about A. D. 345. see cap. xix. just before,) and got together the council of Serdica, A. D. 347. to draw up another for themselves. Cf. also, ibid. xxx. 121. D. of the proceedings of the synod of Sirmium, A. D. 351: and 126. B. of Photinus' double edition of the same work, in Greek and Latin respectively.

Eunapius, Vitæ Sophistarum, 101. Nymphidianus, mentions that the emperor Julian appointed the sophist Nymphidianus his Greek secretary: Taîs ἐπιστολαῖς ἐπιστήσας, ὅσαι διὰ τῶν Ελληνικῶν ἑρμηνεύονται λόγων: the proper inference from which words is, that the Greek epistles

a Eusebius, Vita Constantini, iii. 12. 13.

From the immense extent of the Roman dominions, and the variety of persons or causes which might come before Roman magistrates, an interpreter was a necessary appendage of their office. Pliny, speaking of Trajan's second consulship, and of his having to give audience to people of all countries and languages, writes thus: Augebant majestatem præsidentis diversi postulantium habitus, ac dissonæ voces, raraque sine interprete oratio. Otherwise the use of an interpreter, in a given instance, proves nothing, except that one or each of the parties for whom he is required, is ignorant of the other's language. The address of Tiridates to Nero, U. C. 819. was translated to the people present by an interpreters; and therefore, we may presume was delivered by Tiridates in Parthian.

I do not think any good argument, to shew the prevalence of the Greek language in Judæa, can be derived from the frequent mention in Josephus of wóλeis Exλnvides as such. These cities are comparatively few

in question were versions of a certain part of the imperial correspondence; which consequently must have been carried on generally in some other language (doubtless the Latin) though part of it required to be turned into Greek. Sozomen, too, E. H. ix. i. 800. A. B. enumerates it particularly among the other accomplishments of Pulcheria, the sister of Theodosius the younger, at the time of her father's death (Arcadius) A. D. 408. that she was able to speak and write both Greek and Latin with equal fluency.

Chrysostom has an observation in his IV. Homily on the Second to Timothy, chap. ii. §. 3.

r Panegyricus, 56. §. 6.

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in number; and in every instance they were situated on the sea coast, in the way of trade and commerce, (the very reverse of the Jewish, see Contra Apionem, i. 12.), or on the confines of Judæa and the neighbouring regions, Syria or Egypt. They are such as Gaza, Azotus, Ascalon, Cæsarea, Hippus, Gadara, (cf. Ant. Jud. xiii. xv. 4.) &c. the inhabitants of which were either all, or by far the greater part of them, properly Gentiles; as much distinguished from the native Jews in religion and manners, as they probably were in language. Greek was very likely to be spoken in all these places but though we were to admit this to the fullest extent, it would prove nothing of the rest of the country; Judæa Proper, Idumæa, Samaria, Galilee, and Peræa. The language spoken in twenty or thirty places; peculiarly situated as these were, and peopled by a mixed or mongrel race; can prove nothing of the great body of the people, the pure and unadulterated stock of the Jews, who were dispersed in the thousand towns and villages which Palestine is said to have contained. These were occupied by millions of souls, proverbially tenacious of old usages, and averse to change or innovation; and who at this period of their history were notorious for nothing so much as a rooted antipathy to every thing Gentile; an antipathy which would extend to the languages of the Gentiles, as well as to any other peculiarity of theirs; and among these languages, to that in particular which was the most generally diffused of all, and the most distinctive of a Gentile as such-viz. the Greek. Cf. on this subject, Mr. Biscoe's Dissertations on the Acts; cap. iv.

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