once the pride and honor of an Englishman. The civil equality of the laws preserved the property, and defended the safety of the subject. Are these glorious privileges the birthright of the people, or are we only tenants at the will of the ministry? But that I know there is a spirit of resistance in the hearts of my countrymen; that they value life, not by its conveniences, but by the independence and dignity of their condition; I should, at this moment, appeal only to their discretion. I should persuade them to banish from their minds all memory of what we were; I should tell them this is not a time to remember that we were Englishmen; and give it, as my last advice, to make some early agreement with the minister, that, since it has pleased him to rob us of those political rights, which once distinguished the inhabitants of a country where honor was happiness, he would leave us at least the humble, obedient security of citizens, and graciously condescend to "rotect us in our submission.

LETTER XXXI

JUNIUS.

that they have been punished, or even censured for either. Another gentleman lays much stress upon the calamity of the case; and, instead of disproving facts, appeals at once to the compassion of the public. This idea, as well as the insinuation, that, depriving the parties of their commissions would be an injury to their creditors, can only refer to general Gansel. The other officers are in no distress; therefore, have no claim to compassion: nor does it appear that their creditors, if they have any, are more likely to be satisfied by their continuing in the guards. But this sort of plea will not hold in any shape. Compassion to an offender, who has grossly violated the laws, is, in effect, a cruelty to the peaceable subject who has observed them: and even admitting the force of any alleviating circumstances, it is nevertheless true, that in this instance, the royal compassion has interposed too soon. The legal and proper mercy of a king of England may remit the punishment, but ought not to stop the trial.

Besides these particular objections, there has been a cry raised against Junius, for his malice and injustice in attacking the ministry upon an event which they could neither hinder nor foresee. This, I must TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. affirm, is a false representation of his argument. He SIR, November 14, 1769. lays no stress upon the event itself, as a ground of The variety of remarks which have been made accusation against the ministry, but dwells entirely upon the last letter of Junius, and my own opinion upon their subsequent conduct. He does not say of the writer, who, whatever may be his faults, that they are answerable for the offense, but for the is certainly not a weak man, have induced me to ex-scandalous neglect of their duty, in suffering an ofamine, with some attention, the subject of that letter. fense so flagrant to pass by without notice or inquiry. I could not persuade myself, that, while he had Supposing them ever so regardless of what they owe plenty of important materials, he would have taken to the public, and as indifferent about the opinion, as up a light or trifling occasion to attack the ministry; they are about the interests of their country, what much less could I conceive, that it was his intention answer, as officers of the crown, will they give to Juto ruin the officers concerned in the rescue of general nius, when he asks them, "Are they aware of the Gansel, or to injure the general himself. These are outrage offered to their sovereign, when his own little objects, and can no way contribute to the great proper guard is ordered out to stop, by main force, purposes he seems to have in view, by addressing the execution of his laws?" And when we see a himself to the public. Without considering the or- ministry giving such a strange, unaccountable protecnamented style he has adopted, I determined to look tion to the officers of the guards, is it unfair to susfarther into the matter, before I decided upon the pect that they have some secret and unwarrantable merits of his letter. The first step I took was to in- motives for their conduct? If they feel themselves quire into the truth of the facts; for if these were injured by such a suspicion, why do they not immeeither false or misrepresented, the most artful exer- diately clear themselves from it by doing their duty? tion of his understanding, in reasoning upon them, For the honor of the guards, I cannot help expressing would only be a disgrace to him. Now, sir, I have another suspicion, that if the commanding officer had found every circumstance stated by Junius to be not received a secret injunction to the contrary, he literally true. General Gansel persuaded the bailiffs would, in the ordinary course of his business, have to conduct him to the parade, and certainly solicited applied for a court martial to try the two subalterns; a corporal, and other soldiers, to assist him in mak- the one for quitting his guard, the other for taking ing his escape. Captain Dodd did certainly apply to upon him the command of the guard, and employing captain Garth for the assistance of his guard. Cap- it in the manner he did. I do not mean to enter into, tain Garth declined appearing himself, but stood or defend, the severity with which Junius treats the aloof, while the other took upon him to order out the guards. On the contrary, I will suppose, for a moking's guard, and by main force rescued the general. ment, that they deserve a very different character. It is also strictly true, that the general was escorted If this be true, in what light will they consider the by a file of musqueteers to a place of security. These conduct of the two subalterns, but as the general reare facts, Mr. Woodfall, which I promise you no proach and disgrace to the whole corps? And will gentleman in the guards will deny. If all or any of they not wish to see them censured, in a military them are false, why are they not contradicted by the way, if it were only for the credit and discipline of parties themselves? However secure against mili- the regiment? tary censure, they have yet a character to lose; and, surely, if they are innocent, it is not beneath them to pay some attention to the opinion of the public.

The force of Junius's observations upon these facts cannot be better marked, than by stating and refuting the objections which have been made to them. One writer says, "Admitting the officers have offended, they are punishable at common law; and will you have a British subject punished twice for the same offense?" I answer, that they have committed two offenses, both very enormous, and violated two laws. The rescue is one offense, the flagrant breach of discipline another; and hitherto it does not appear

Upon the whole, sir, the ministry seem to me to have taken a very improper advantage of the goodnature of the public, whose humanity, they found, considered nothing in this affair but the distress of general Gansel. They would persuade us, that it was only a common rescue by a few disorderly soldiers, and not the formal, deliberate act of the king's guard, headed by an officer; and the public has fallen into the deception. I think, therefore, we are obliged to Junius for the care he has taken to inquire into the facts, and for the just commentary with which he has given them to the world. For my own part, I am as unwilling as any man to load the unfortunate;

This affair, my lord, will do infinite credit to gov. ernment, if, to clear your character, you should think proper to bring it into the house of lords, or into the court of king's bench. But, my lord, you dare not do either. JUNIUS.

LETTER XXXV.

ister are so strangely at variance in their opinions of of a patent place in Jamaica (which he was otherwise men and things. sufficiently entitled to) amounts to a high misdeI thank God, there is not in human nature a de- meanor. Be it so: and if he deserves it, let him be gree of impudence daring enough to deny the charge punished. But the learned judge might have had a I have fixed upon you. Your courteous secretary,* fairer opportunity of displaying the powers of his eloyour confidential architect, † are silent as the grave. quence. Having delivered himself, with so much Even Mr. Rigby's countenance fails him. He violates energy, upon the criminal nature and dangerous conhis second nature, and blushes whenever he speaks sequences of any attempt to corrupt a man in your of you. Perhaps the noble colonel himself will re- grace's station, what would he have said to the minlieve you. No man is more tender of his reputation. ister himself, to that very privy counsellor, to that He is not only nice but perfectly sore, in everything first commissioner of the treasury, who does not wait that touches his honor. If any man, for example, for, but impatiently solicits, the touch of corruption; were to accuse him of taking his stand at a gaming- who employs the meanest of his creatures in these table, and watching, with the soberest attention, for honorable services; and, forgetting the genius and a fair opportunity of engaging a drunkeu young no-fidelity of his secretary, descends to apply to his bleman at piquet,he would, undoubtedly, consider it as house builder for assistance? an infamous aspersion upon his character, and resent it like a man of honor. Acquitting him, therefore, of drawing a regular and splendid subsistence from any unworthy practices, either in his own house, or elsewhere, let me ask your grace, for what military merits you have been pleased to reward him with military government? He had a regiment of dragoons, which, one would imagine, was at least an equivalent for any services he ever performed. Besides, he is but a young officer, considering his preferment; and, except in his activity at Preston, not very conspicuous in his profession. But it seems the sale of a civil employment was not sufficient; and military governments, which were intended for the support of wornout veterans must be thrown in to the scale, to defray the extensive bribery of a contested election. Are these the steps you take to secure to your sovereign the attachment of his army? With what countenance dare you appear in the royal presence, branded as you are, with the infamy of a notorious breach of trust? With what countenance can you take at the treasury board, or in the council, when yon feel that every circulating whisper is at your expense alone, and stabs you to the heart? Have you a single friend in parliament so shameless, so thoroughly abandoned, as to undertake your defense? You know, my lord, that there is not a man in either house, whose character, however flagitious, would not be ruined by mixing his reputation with yours; and does not your heart inform you that you are degraded below the condition of a man, when you are obliged to bear these insults with submission, aud even to thank me for my moderation?

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. SIR, December 19, 1789. When the complaints of a brave and powerful people are observed to increase in proportion to the wrongs they have suffered; when, instead of sinking into submission, they are roused to resistance, the time will soon arrive, at which every inferior consideration must yield to the security of the sovereign, and to the general safety of the state. There is a moment of difficulty and danger, at which flattery and falsehood can no longer deceive, and simplicity itself can no longer be misled. Let us suppose it arrived: let us suppose a gracious well-intentioned prince made sensible, at last, of the great duty he owes to his people, and of his own disgraceful situation: that he looks round him for assistance, and asks for no advice, but how to gratify the wishes and secure the happiness of his subjects. In these circumstances, it may be matter of curious speculation to consider, if an honest man were premitted to approach a king. in what terms he would address himself to his sov ereign. Let it be imagined, no matter how improbable, that the first prejudice against his character is removed; that the ceremonious difficulties of an audience are surmounted; that he feels himself animated by the purest and most honorable affections to his king and his country; and that the great person whom he addresses, has spirit enough to bid him speak freely, and understanding enough to listen to pre-him with attention. Unacquainted with the vain impertinence of forms, he would deliver his sentiments with dignity and firmness, but not without respect.

We are told, by the highest judicial authority, that Mr. Vaughan'st offer to puchase the reversion * Tommy Bradshaw.

+ Mr. Taylor. He and George Ross (the Scotch agent and worthy confident of Lord Mansfield) managed the business.

A little before the publication of this and the ceding letter, the duke of Grafton had commenced a prosecution against Mr Samuel Vaughan, endeavoring to corrupt his integrity, by an offer of five thousand pounds for a patent place in Jamaica. A rule to show cause why an information should not be exhibited against Vaughan for king's bench, the matter was solemnly argued on the certain misdemeanors, being granted by the court of 27th of November, 1769, and by the unanimous opinion of the four judges, the rule was made absolute. The pleadings and speeches were accurately taken in short-hand, and published. The whole of lord Mansfield's speech, and particularly the following extracts from it, deserve the reader's attention: "A practice of the kind complained of here, is certainly dishonorable and scandalous. If a man, standing under the relation of an officer under the king, or of a person in whom the king puts confidence, or of a minister, takes money for the use of that confidence the king puts in him, he basely betrays the king; he basely betrays his trust. If the king sold the office, it would be acting contrary to the trust the constitution had reposed in hiri The constitution does not intend the crown should sell those offices to raise a revenue out of them. Is it possible to hesitate, whether this would not be criminal in the duke of Grafton; contrary to his duty as a privy counsellor, contrary to his duty as

Sir, It is the misfortune of your life, and origihas attended your government, that you should nevnally the cause of every reproach and distress which er have been acquainted with the language of truth, until you heard it in the complaints of your people. It is not, however, too late to correct the error of

a minister, contrary to his duty as a subject? His advice should be free, according to his judgment. It is the duty of his office; he hath sworn to it." Notwithstanding all this, the duke of Grafton certainly sold a patent place to Mr. Hine, for three thousand five hundred pounds. If the house of commons had done their duty, and impeached the duke for this breach of trust, how wofully must poor honest Mansfield have been puzzled! His em barrassment would have afforded the most ridiculous scene that was ever exhibited. To save the judge from this perplexity, and the duke from impeachment, the prosecution against Vaughan was immediately dropped.

your education. We are still inclined to make an | lishman, believe me, sir, you were persuaded to pay a indulgent allowance for the pernicious lessons you very ill-judged compliment to one part of your subreceived in your youth, and to form the most san- jects, at the expense of another. While the natives guine hopes from the natural benevolence of your of Scotland are not in actual rebellion, they are undisposition.* We are far from thinking you capable doubtedly entitled to protection: nor do I mean to of a direct, deliberate purpose to invade those origi- condemn the policy of giving some encouragement to nal rights of your subjects, on which all their civil the novelty of their affections for the house of Hanand political liberties depend. Had it been possi- over. I am ready to hope for every thing from their able for us to entertain a suspicion so dishonorable new-born zeal, and from the future steadiness of their to your character, we shoud long since have adopted allegiance; but, hitherto, they have no claim to your a style of remonstration very distant from the humil- favor. To honor them with a determined predilection ity of complaint. The doctrine inculcated by our and confidence, in exclusion of your English subjects, laws, That the king can do no wrong, is admitted with- who placed your family, and, in spite of treachery out reluctance. We separate the amiable, good- and rebellion, have supported it upon the throne, is a natured prince from the folly and treachery of his mistake too gross even for the unsuspecting generosity servants, and the private virtues of the man from the of youth. In this error we see a capital violation of vices of his government. Were it not for this just the most obvious rules of policy and prudence. We distinction, I know not whether your majesty's con- trace it, however, to an original bias in your educadition, or that of the English nation, would deserve tion, and are ready to allow for your inexperience. most to be lamented. I would prepare your mind To the same early influence we attribute it, that for a favorable reception of truth, by removing every you have descended to take a share, not only in the painful, offensive idea of personal reproach. Your narrow views and interests of particular persons, but subjects, sir, wish for nothing, but that, as they are in the fatal malignity of their passions. At your reasonable and affectionate enough to separate your accession to the throne, the whole system of governperson from your government, so you, in your turn, ment was altered, not from wisdom or deliberation, should distinguish between the conduct which be- but because it had been adopted by your predecessor. comes the permanent dignity of a king, and that A little personal motive of pique and resentment was which serves only to promote the temporary interest sufficient to remove the ablest servants of the crown;* · and miserable ambition of a minister. but it is not in this country, sir, that such men can be dishonored by the frowns of a king. They were dismissed, but could not be disgraced. Without entering into a minuter discussion of the merits of the peace, we may observe, in the imprudent hurry with which the first overtures from France were accepted, in the conduct of the negotiation, and terms of the treaty, the strongest marks of that precipitate spirit of concession, with which a certain part of your subjects have been at all times ready to purchase a peace with the natural enemies of this country. On your part we are satisfied that every thing was honorable and sincere; and, if England was sold to France, we doubt not that your majesty was equally betrayed. The conditions of the peace were matter of grief and surprise to your subjects, but not the immediate cause of their present discontent.

You ascended the throne with a declared, and, I doubt not, a sincere resolution of giving universal satisfaction to your subjects. You found them pleased with the novelty of a young prince, whose countenance promised even more than his words; and loyal to you, not only from principle, but passion. It was not a cold profession of allegiance to the first magistrate, but a partial, animated attachment to a favorite prince, the native of their country. They did not wait to examine your conduct, nor to be determined by experience, but gave you a generous credit for the future blessings of your reign, and paid you in advance the dearest tribute of their affections. Such, sir, was once the disposition of a people, who now surround your throne with reproaches and complaints. Do justice to yourself. Banish from your mind those unworthy opinions with which some interested persons have labored to possess you. Distrust the men who tell you that the English are naturally light and inconstant; that they complain without a cause. Withdraw your confidence equally from all parties; from ministers, favorites, and relations; and let there be one moment in your life, in which you have consulted your own understand-national character of his countrymen to contempt.

ing.

When you affectedly renounced the name of Eng*The plan of the tutelage and future dominion over the heir apparent, laid many years ago, at Carlton-House, between the princess dowager and her favorite, the earl of Bute, was as gross and palpable as that which was concerted between Anne of Austria and cardinal Mazarine, to govern Louis the Fourteenth, and, in effect, to pro long his minority until the end of their lives That prince bad strong natural parts, and used frequently to blush for his own ignorance and want of education, which had been wilfully neglected by his mother and her minion. A little experience, however, soon showed him how shamefully he had been treated, and for what infamous purpose he had been kept in ignorance. Our great Edward, too, at an early period, had sense enough to understand the nature of the connection between his abandoned mother and the detested Mortimer. But, since that time, human nature, we may observe, is greatly altered for the better. Dowagers may be chaste, and minions may be honest. When it was proposed to settle the present king's household, as prince of Wales, it is well known that the earl of Bute was forced into it, in direct contradiction to the late king's inclination. That was the salient point from which all the mischiefs and disgraces of the present reign took life and motion. From that moment, lord Bute never suffered the prince of Wales to be an instant out of his sight. We need not look farther.

Hitherto, sir, you have been sacrificed to the prejudices and passions of others. With what firmness will you bear the mention of your own?

A man not very honorably distinguished in the world, commences a formal attack upon your favorite, considering nothing but how he might best expose his person and principles to detestation, and the

The natives of that country, sir, are as much distinguished by a peculiar character, as by your majesty's favor. Like another chosen people, they have been conducted into the land of plenty, where they find themselves effectually marked, and divided from mankind. There is hardly a period at which the most irregular character may not be redeemed. The mistakes of one sex find a retreat in patriotism, those of the other in devotion. Mr. Wilkes brought with him into politics the same liberal sentiments by which his private conduct had been directed and seemed to think, that, as there are few excesses in which an English gentleman may not be permitted to indulge, the same latitude was allowed him in the choice of his political principles, and in the spirit of maintaining them. I mean to state, not entirely to defend, his conduct. In the earnestness of his zeal he suffered some unwarrantable insinuations to es

One of the first acts of the present reign was to dismiss Mr Legge, because he had, some years before, refused to yield his interest in Hampshire to a Scotchman, recommended by lord Bute. This was the reason publicly assigned by his lordship.

cape him

political life; who has taken the tenderest care of their infancy, and relieves their necessities without offending their delicacy. But if it were possible for their integrity to be degraded to a condition so vile and abject, that, compared with it, the present estimation they stand in is a state of honor and respect; consider, sir, in what manner you will afterwards proceed. Can you conceive that the people of this country will long submit to be governed by so flexible a house of commons? It is not in the nature of human society that any form of government, in such circumstances, can long be preserved. In ours, the general contempt of the people is as fatal as their detestation. Such, I am persuaded, would be the necessary effect of any base concussion made by the present house of commons; and, as a qualifying measure would not be accepted, it remains for you to decide, whether you will, at any hazard, support a set of men who have reduced you to this unhappy dilemma, or whether you will gratify the united wishes of the whole people of England, by dissolving the parliament.

He said more than moderate men could | birth, to the minister, from whose benevojustify; but not enough to entitle him to the honor lence they derive the comforts and pleasures of their of your majesty's personal resentment. The rays of royal indignation, collected upon him, served only to illuminate, and could not consume. Animated by the favor of the people on the one side, and heated by persecution on the other, his views and sentiments changed with his situation. Hardly serious at first, he is now an enthusiast. The coldest bodies warm with opposition, the hardest sparkle in collision. There is a holy mistaken zeal in politics as well as religion. By persuading others, we convince ourselves. The passions are engaged, and create a maternal affection in the mind, which forces us to love the cause for which we suffer. Is this a contention worthy of a king? Are you not sensible how much the meanness of the cause gives an air of ridicule to the serious difficulties into which you have been betrayed? The destruction of one man has been now, for many years, the sole object of your government; and, if there can be any thing still more disgraceful, we have seen for such an object the utmost influence of the executive power, and every ministerial artifice, exerted without success. Nor can you ever succeed, unless he should be imprudent enough to forfeit the protection of those laws to which you owe your crown; or unless your minister should persuade you to make it a question of force alone, and try the whole strength of government in opposition to the people. The lessons he has received from experience will probably guard him from such excess of folly; and, in your majesty's virtues, we find an unquestionable assurance, that no illegal violence will be attempted.

Far from suspecting you of so horrible a design, we would attribute the continued violation of the laws, and even this last enormous attack upon the vital principles of the constitution, to an ill advised, unworthy, personal resentment. From one false step you have been betrayed into another; and, as the cause was unworthy of you, your ministers were determined that the prudence of the execution should correspond with the wisdom and dignity of the design. They have reduced you to the necessity of choosing out of a variety of difficulties; to a situation so unhappy, that you can neither do wrong without ruin, or right without affliction. These worthy servants have undoubtedly given you many singular proofs of their abilities. Not contented with making Mr. Wilkes a man of importance, they have judiciously transferred the question from the rights and interests of one man to the most important rights and interests of the people; and forced your subjects, from wishing well to the cause of an individual, to unite with him in their own. Let them proceed as they have begun, and your majesty need not doubt that the catastrophe will do no dishonor to the conduct of the piece.

Taking it for granted, as I do very sincerely, that you have personally no design against the constitution, nor any view inconsistent with the good of your subjects, I think you cannot hesitate long upon the choice which it equally concerns your interests and your honor to adopt. On one side, you hazard the affection of all your English subjects; you relinquish every hope of repose to yourself, and you endanger the establishment of your family forever. All this you venture for no object whatsoever; or for such an object as it would be an affront to you to name. Men of sense will examine your conduct with suspicion; while those, who are incapable of comprehending to what degree they were injured, afflict you with clamors equally insolent and unmeaning. Supposing it possible that no fatal struggle should ensue, you determine, at once, to be unhappy, without the hope of a compensation, either from interest or ambition. If an English king be hated or despised, he must be unhappy: and this, perhaps, is the only political truth which he ought to be convinced of, without experiment. But, if the English people should no longer confine their resentment to a submissive representation of their wrongs; if, following the glorious example of their ancestors, they should no longer appeal to the creature of the constitution, but to that high Being who gave them the rights of humanity, whose gifts it were sacrilege to surrender, let me ask you, sir, upon what part of your subjects would you rely for assistance.

The people of Ireland have been uniformly plundered and oppressed. In return, they give you every day fresh marks of their resentment. They despise the miserable governor* you have sent them, because he is the creature of lord Bute: nor is it from any natural confusion in their ideas, that they are so ready to confound the original of a king with the disgraceful representation of him.

The circumstances to which you are reduced will not admit of a compromise with the English nation. Undecisive, qualifying measures will disgrace your government still more than open violence; and, without satisfying the people, will excite their contempt. They have two much understanding and spirit to The distance of the colonies would make it imaccept of an indirect satisfaction for a di- possible for them to take an active concern in your rect injury. Nothing less than a repeal, as affairs, if they were as well affected to your governformal as the resolution itself, can heal the ment as they once pretended to be to your person. wound which has been given to the constitution, nor, They were ready enough to distinguish between you will any thing less be accepted. I can readily be- and your ministers. They complained of an act of lieve, that there is an influence sufficient to recall the legislature, but traced the origin of it no higher that pernicious vote. The house of commons un-than to the servants of the crown: they pleased doubtedly consider their duty to the crown as paramount to all other obligations. To us they are only indebted for an accidental existence, and have justly transferred their gratitude from their parents to their benefactors; from those who gave them

themselves with the hope that their sovereign, if not favorable to their cause, at least was impartial. The

resident governor. The history of his ridiculous admin* Viscount Townsend, sent over on the plan of being istration shall not be lost to the public.