the manifold blessings of God's mercy, as members of the one true fold. The present invaluable document is a letter addressed by the Superioress of the Sisters of Charity, Pekin, to the brother of the martyred Sister Louise (O'Sullivan). A report was circulated by some newspapers, not too friendly to Ireland, that Sister Louise had fled from the hospital the morning of the massacre, and thus had been deprived of the crown of martydom which was granted to the other Sisters of Charity. The present letter of the Superioress of the Sisters of Charity is an authoritative contradiction of that false report: "REVEREND SIR: Pekin, June 21st, 1871. "May the grace of our Saviour be with us forevermore. Two days ago I received your esteemed letter of the 10th of April. I must suppose that you did not receive my sorrowful letter of July, 1870. Your silence induced me to presume so, and I was grieved; because my affection for my good and well-beloved little Sister Louise (O'Sullivan) would not permit me to imagine, without sincere regret, that her worthy brother should be without tidings from the distant country which she has sprinkled with her blood. "The misfortunes of our poor France have occasioned the long delay of my letter. "To-day, 21st of June, the anniversary of this sad and awful tragedy, is a day well adapted to speak of this dear beloved. No, no; what they have told you is untrue. Sister Louise did not abandon her post. Like her companions, she suffered herself to be slaughtered as a tender lamb. It is said that she was treated with great cruelty, but it is difficult to ascertain with accuracy how much these dear martyrs suffered. The infuriated populace inhumanly butchered them, and this flatters our hope that they had not long to suffer. They were, indeed, cut in pieces; and when, after the storm, the English consul ordered the remains of our dear victims to be gathered up, only some scattered members were discovered, and these scorched by the fire. "The dear remains have been deposited in six coffins, and interred in the French consul's enclosure, where a monument has been erected to the glory of our martyrs, and to the eternal disgrace of the ungrateful country which thus suffered them to be slaughtered. "The fact which you have heard has occurred, but not to your sister. It happened to a French lady, Madame Shallemaison, who escaped, and was recaptured in the evening, as you are aware. The mother of this. lady is the only one in the town of Tien-Tsin who endeavored to succor our good Sisters. Her husband was among those who fell victims to the fury of the pagans: may heaven recompense his charity! Gratitude renders it imperative that I should recommend him to your prayers. "The bishop ordered that the scene of the massacre should be diligently searched; and in the ruins of the house the sacred vases, which had been concealed the very morning of the massacre, at the very moment the rumor was circulated, have been found. They found, also, a small piece of our Sister's habit: we look upon it as a relic, and I have much pleasure in forwarding you a por tion of it. "The sojourn of your sister at Tien-Tsin was so decidedly marked by Providence, and so much against my will, that I see a convincing proof in it that this dear Sister obtained the favor of being martyred, that she might the better expiate any little infirmities inseparable from our poor human nature. But she was so straightforward and good that she could not but be acceptable to God. She was so amiable on this earth, how much more so must she be in heaven! I have often besought her to give me some proof of her happiness. I hope that some signal favors will console us in the assurance that they are in heaven. "For the past year we have had to suffer many anxieties and troubles, both because of the dangers that have menaced ourselves, and of the situation of France. Be pleased to assist us by your prayers, while you profit by our trials. I also recommend to you our poor and ungrateful mission. The bishop is at Tien-Tsin, where he is reconstructing the church and the houses which were consumed. At his return I shall not fail to execute your commands. "I have the honor to be, with most profound respect, your most humble and obedient servant, "SISTER JAURIAS, "Of the Sisters of Charity." "REV. M. O'SULLIVAN, C. M., "St. Vincent de Paul's, Cork, Ireland." NOTE A. The following extract is taken from "Tracts on the Popery Laws" in the ninth volume of Mr. Burke's works, which was first published in 1812, four years after the first edition of this history was published. It is here inserted as being a most conclusive corroboration of the opinion given in his history upon the Treaty of Limerick; and as also being an unanswerable refutation of the arguments contained in the pamphlets of the late Arthur Browne, Esq., and Doctor Duigenan: "It will now be seen that, even if these Popery laws could be supposed agreeable to those of nature in these particulars, on another and almost as strong a principle they are yet unjust, as being contrary to positive compact, and the public faith most solemnly plighted. On the surrender of Limerick, and some other Irish garrisons, in the war of the revolution, the lords justices of Ireland, and the commander-in-chief of the king's forces, signed a capitulation with the Irish, which was afterward ratified by the king himself, by Inspeximus, under the great seal of England. It contains some public articles relative to the whole body of the Roman Catholics in that kingdom, and some with regard to the security of the greater part of the inhabitants of five counties: what the latter were, or in what manner they were observed, is at this day of much less public concern. The former are two, the first and ninth. The first is of this tenor: 'The Roman Catholics of this kingdom (Ireland) shall enjoy such privileges, in the exercise of their religion, as are consistent with the laws of Ireland, or as they did enjoy in the reign of King Charles II; and their majesties, as soon as their affairs will permit them to summon a parliament in this kingdom, will endeavor to procure the said Roman Catholics such further security in that particular as may preserve them from any disturbance on account of their religion.' The ninth article is to this effect. The oath to be administered to such Roman Catholics as submit to their majesties' government shall be the oath aforesaid, and no other, viz.: the oath of allegiance made by act of parliament in England, in the first year of their majesties, as required by the second of the Articles of Limerick.' Compare this latter article with the penal laws, as they are stated in the second chapter, and judge whether they seem to be the public acts of the same power, and observe whether other oaths are tendered to them, and under what penalties. Compare the former with the same laws, from the beginning to the end, and judge whether the Roman Catholics have been preserved, agreeably to the sense of the article, from any disturbance upon account of their religion; or, rather, whether on that account there is a single right of nature, or benefit of society, which has not been either totally taken away, or considerably impaired. "But it is said that the legislature was not bound by this article, as it has never been ratified in parliament. I do admit that it never had that sanction, and that the parliament was under no obligation to ratify these articles by any express act of theirs. But still I am at a loss how they came to be the less valid, on the principles of our constitution, by being without that sanction. They certainly bound the king and his successors. The words of the article do this, or they do nothing; and so far as the crown had a share in passing those acts, the public faith was unquestion ably broken. But the constitution will warrant us in going a great deal further, and in affirming that a treaty executed by the crown, and contradictory of no preceding law, is full as binding on the whole body of the nation as if it had twenty times received the sanction of parliament; because, the very same constitution which has given to the houses of parliament their definite authority, has also left in the crown the trust of making peace, as a consequence, and much the best consequence, of the prerogative of making war. If the peace was ill-made, my Lord Galway, Coningsby and Porter, who signed it, were responsible because they were subject to the community. But its own contracts are now subject to it. It is subject to them, and the compact of the king acting constitutionally was the compact of the nation. "Observe what monstrous consequences would result from a contrary position. A foreign enemy has entered, or a strong domestic one has arisen in the nation. In such events the circumstances may be, and often have been, such that a parliament cannot sit. This was precisely the case in that rebellion of Ireland. It will be admitted, also, that their power may be so great as to make it very prudent to treat with them, in order to save effusion of blood; perhaps, to save the nation. Now, could such a treaty be at all made, if your enemies, or rebels, were fully persuaded that, in these times of confusion, there was no authority in the State which could hold out to them an inviolable pledge for their future security; but that there lurked in the constitution a dormant but irresist |