CHASE'S DAGUERREOTYPE ROOMS,

257 Washington Street, Boston. First Floor over Haskell & Howland's large Silk and Shawl store, in the new stone building just erected. No pains or expense will be spared to make these Rooms the most Genteel and Fashionable of any in the city, and to secure the most competent skill in every thing appertaining to the business. The public are respectfully invited to call and judge for themselves, being assured that whatever comes from this Establishment, will be executed in the highest perfection of the art. Perfect satisfaction is guaranteed in all cases, or no charge. Pictures taken in any weather. Apparatus, &c. furnished and warranted.

WILLIAM J. REYNOLDS,

BOOKSELLER, No. 20 Cornhill, 3 doors from Washington Street, left side, BosParticular attention paid to orders of Booksellers and Country Traders.

ton.

NEWELL H. MOULTON,

DEALER in Butter, Cheese, Fruit, Lard and West India Goods, No. 50 Brattle Street, Boston.

JORDAN & WILEY,

WHOLESALE and Retail Dealers in Periodicals, cheap publications, Foreign and American Newspapers, Books and Music, 20 State and 121 Washington Streets, Boston. All new works received as soon as published.

WINKLEY & CO.

(IMPORTERS Of Cloths, Cassimeres and Vestings), Merchant Tailors, No. 93 Washington Street, up stairs, Boston.

WHITE & FERGUSON,

DRUGGISTS and APOTHECARIES, No. 230 Washington Street, four doors south of Summer Street, Boston.

JOSEPH B. JOHNSON & CO.

MANUFACTURERS of Philosophical Instruments, No. 4 Court Avenue, rear of Davis, Palmer & Co., Boston. Druggists' and Confectioners' Scales and Models made to order.

N. B. Every description of Instruments made and repaired at short notice.

JOHN HAMMOND,

REAL ESTATE BROKER, No. 10 Brattle Square, Boston. Houses Bought, Sold and Let. Mortages Negociated.

WILLIAM B. MAY,

REAL ESTATE RROKER, No. 3 State Street, up stairs. W. B. M. will attend to the purchase, sale and letting of Real Estate, the negociating of Mortgages, and the purchase and sale of Stocks.

J. M. DOE,

WHOLESALE and Retail Dealer in Furniture, Chairs, Feathers, Mattresses, &c. &c. Nos. 55, 57, 59, 61, 63 and 65 Cornhill, Boston.

CHARLES M. BRIGGS,

DEALER in Carpetings, wholesale and retail, No. 205 Washington street, 2d door from Bromfield street, Boston.

BOWKER & CO.

FASHIONABLE Millinery and Straw Goods, Chambers 163 Washington street, opposite Milk street, Boston.

"MY OWN TIMES, OR 'TIS FIFTY YEARS SINCE."

BY WALTER CHANNING, M.D.

[Concluded from page 47.]

LET us look now at the party-spirit of that day.

The politics of that day, while they partook deeply of the party-spirit which characterises them so strongly in the latest time, were in some respects so unlike our own that they deserve a passing notice. Politics then got their whole character from abroad. France and England were so constantly referred to in the discussions of the day in regard to the most trivial as well as most important public interests, that you might almost have supposed that America was some neutral soil on which those foreign States might with much comfort, and the best success, carry on their own political warfare. France had lent important aid, in men and money, in carrying on the revolutionary war. Louis XVI. was the constant and firm friend of America. He died on the scaffold, but the people who beheaded him, had aided us, and it was natural to sympathize with the regicide republic. England was our enemy, we had beaten her out of the country which for one hundred and fifty years had been her acknowledged home, and it was natural to continue to hate a nation which was now foreign to us, and had so long and so deeply evilly entreated us. But the war was ended. A treaty of peace and of amity had been made. It had been proclaimed as a sound maxim

in politics as well as morals, that in "war men were enemies— in peace friends." Washington, in the spirit of the age, the current views of human relations, held this to be at the foundation of these relations, and taking it for his guide steadily acted upon it. Peace had made England our friend again; and promised that she would be a truer friend to America than she had ever before been. The family had quarrelled and separated, but had made up, as the phrase is. The divisions had in some sort changed names; or the colonies had taken a new one. But the tie of blood continued, and the problem was to make out of this fact, a common heart. Washington looked to this great problem, or its solution, as the business of every true man. There was in it, and which too was its life, the highest ideal. Humanity was wrapt up in it as its formative principle. Love was, in his conception of it, the life-giving power of that friendship which was to have growth in peace. Love was the ideal of that peace.

But how or whence did the war of party come? Franklin and Jefferson were sent on the nation's errand to France. Adams and Jay were sent to England. Adams succeeded Washington in the Presidency, as representing the principles of his predecessor in regard to the widest national policy, embracing all the powers with which America had political relations. But he had come from the Court of St. James, and so was regarded as the friend of English policy exclusively, an English tool. Jefferson had come from France, and the party which made a leader of him, were regarded as under exclusive French influence. His party brought him forward in opposition to Mr. Adams. As the Constitution then stood, each Elector voted for two persons without specifying the office, and the one having the highest number of votes, being a majority of the whole, was to be President, and the next highest Vice President. It fell to Mr. Jefferson, as President of the Senate, to declare the votes. With the vote of Georgia, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr were equal, a tie, and had a majority. Rejecting the vote of Georgia, John Adams would have had a plurality over both, and with them must have gone into the House of Representatives. The vote of Georgia was declared to be for Jefferson and Burr, and the next State passed to. The election, of course, went to the House on their names only, and there, after thirty-six ballotings, Mr. Jefferson was elected President-the Democratic party having a majority of States, though not of members. In these few lines from memory, and such reference as is at hand, are given one of the most important passages in our national history. It was a moment in our being, in which was made as deep a change as

could be made, in the administration of a government, which was yet in its infancy. What great honor, and what prophecy of permanency, were there in the universal acquiescence in the change!

It is curious to observe the course of things. The reference of parties to foreign influence having continued with a strength worthy a better cause, it at length gave way, so that Mr. Monroe, at the election for his second term, received every electoral vote save and except only one! This was the death of that alleged, old foreign power in our politics. Its funeral was a noiseless one. There was but a single mourner-that one member of the electoral college, who alone voted against Mr. Monroe.

There can be no doubt that Mr. Madison's government, which immediately preceded Mr. Monroe's, had a direct agency in bringing about the dissolution of parties in the second election of Mr. Monroe. The war of 1812 was violently opposed. But it had its effect in quieting that opposition which gave it character, and, as some thought, which produced it. It had its successes as well as its failures. And there was a wider sympathy in the first than could have been looked for, or dreamed of, when the war was declared. Mr. Madison was a man of strong intellect, wise culture, great steadiness in the pursuit of his object, and of extraordinary skill as a statesman, a leader of a party. I have heard his character from a man who was in Congress with Mr. Madison in the earliest days of the nation's independence, and who, though a political opponent, was generous in his estimate of character. He had when in England been called before a commission of the British Parliament on some questions of deep importance to the two countries. He had listened often to Burke, and to Pitt, and to Fox-the greatest of England's great men, but he told me that he never forgot Mr. Madison as a debater, let him hear whom he might. He said he never knew Mr. Madison vanquished, he was consummate in reply, the great and master power in debate. He always came down on his feet if he fell, and was in a moment ready for new attack, or new defence,-drive him, said my aged friend, from one point, and in an instant you find him on another, and often a higher, I never knew Mr. Madison vanquished. Mr. Madison's government had an unquestioned agency in producing the state of things which led to the peaceful re-election of Mr. Monroe.

Mr. Monroe's election was alluded to, it being without party conflict. From Washington's declining a re-election to Mr. Madison's second term, 24 years, every thing was begun and ended in party. In the war of 1812, during Mr. Madison's rule,

party was strong enough to interfere with the whole conduct of the war. We heard of the declaration of war in Boston, I think, in June, and a leading opponent to the government said, in conversation, that the bells should be tolled, that in their melancholy tones might be heard the denunciation of that war, when first known of, by those who from principle, as they held it, opposed it. Looking through the contemporary history, the re-election of Mr. Monroe stands a solitary, and most interesting fact in this nation's annals. It was a moment of rest from stern personal and universal conflict. But the spirit of party was not dead, it only slept. Its waking notes were soon heard again. It burst forth as from a state of hybernation, having lost none of its native characteristics, and for twenty years it has never slept, or rested for a moment.

Let me, in taking leave of the past, devote the few moments of the time which remains of this lecture, to a word on that portion of "my times," which forms our Present. We are this day living, and moving, nay, acting in the midst and pressure of the widest party influence. It is not for me to ask, or to say, what are the principles whose workings are obtruded upon us in every walk, and way, of the life of this people. The latest writer I have consulted on this subject resolves the two parties to the great issue before us, into those who claim for the Constitution paramount authority, and who assert, that while it remains as it is, it is to be implicitly obeyed; and only changed by the strictest conformity to the methods prescribed by itself. The other party claim that all power is in the people, and that they may do what at the time they consider best, because it can be only from them that any written instrument can get construction, or authority. Without asking how true this statement of the grounds of present party divisions is, I think any observer of his times who hears me, will acknowledge that disturbing powers are in wide and deep action amongst us. Never was party dislocation, to use a professional term, more striking than at this moment. The "available candidate," is the inquiry now. The bearings of such a question in settling who shall administer the affairs of a country so vast as this, its bearings upon interests reaching every man, woman and child dwelling here, cannot but deeply absorb that man's mind to whom his country's honor, true progress, and prosperity, are as important, as are the same things to himself personally.

I have spoken of the dislocations of party, which so strongly mark our times. I name one other still more striking fact, the new parties which are springing up, and which have their direct