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son was not speaking of the Negro when he said that all men were created free and equal. He knew that the Negro was a mere chattel. * * * The crisis is nearly due. The matter of white supremacy or black domination in the South is at fever heat, and the sooner the North and West realize it the better it will be for the nation."-Ex-Governor Vardaman of Missis

sippi.

The southern whites fear "black domination," but it is really the domination of their colored progeny, backed by the black, that they fear. Let readers remember this fact.

INDIANS AND NEGROES VOTE.-We think we now understand. (?) But the argument that the laws now specifically recognize the difference between the Indian and the white man, is, we fear, at least a weak one, so far as Oklahoma is concerned, which has become a state since the above was first spoken. Oklahoma has a full suffrage clause in its constitution, covering every man, white, red, yellow and black. The constitution was adopted by a majority of 109,000. The vote against it was 75,000. The Indian population of the state is the largest in the Union, being 75,000, of these about 15,000 are voters.

TILLMAN DOES NOT WANT THE NEGRO'S HEEL ON HIS NECK.-(From a speech in the senate) "I am not opposed to

Negro education at all, provided it is of the right kind, knowing that education increases intelligence and intelligence increases the usefulness of the citizens. What I said and meant and by which I stick is this: That the Republican policy of the last forty years has been to compel the South to recognize the political equality of the Negro. That in its essence would mean the domination of the Negro in South Carolina and Mississippi and many parts of other southern states. We have disfranchised every Negro we could under the Fifteenth Amendment, and the only instrumentality available was to require an educational qualification. There is now an agitation in South Carolina for compulsory education. That would mean a heavy burden to provide more schools which the white tax payers would have to bear, and there could be no discrimination against the Negro on account of race or color. (He does not believe that labor produces wealth and pays taxes). Hence we would present the spectacle of educating the Negro at a very heavy expense to hurry forward the contest for supremacy between the two races, as soon as we should have given them the necessary qualifications to vote, and be undoing what we found absolutely necessary to preserve our civilization. We never intend to be governed by Negroes, whether educated or uneducated.

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The Republican party is now seeking to debauch the South through Mr. Taft, who offers us two offices in every thousand of our population and a pretended advancement of our material interests to join that party. If the Republicans will throw down and abandon, once for all, their efforts to compel the South to recognize the joint equality of the Caucasian and African by repealing the Fifteenth Amendment, we can then have the control of our state affairs, and can then train them to make better citizens and aid in that 'uplift' which Mr. Taft is so anxious to see brought about. But we never expect to 'lift' them high enough ourselves, and allow anybody else to lift them high enough to put their heels on our necks or govern us again, and the conflict of the races, which seems to me inevitable, will only be hastened by such talk as Mr. Taft indulges in."

COLOR LINE IN POLITICS.-An editorial appeared in the Mobile Register, referring to the famous Dr. Crum case, that caused so much debate in the United States senate. Here is fully expressed the South's idea of color in politics. It matters little how competent and faithful a man may be in the performance of his duty, if he has a trace of Negro blood in his veins he cannot "properly represent the government." The editorial is as follows: "The rule in the appointment of men to federal office

should be: to appoint that person only who by common report is of such standing that the people might, if they were called on, elect such person to the designated office. Where it is well known that by no possible combination of circumstances such persons would be chosen by the community the appointment should not be made or even thought of. Under this rule, no colored man would be placed in an important public office in the South, such as the collectorship of a port, as was done in Charleston. The collector is not simply a clerk of the government, to receive and be responsible for revenues of the port; he is also a representative of the government, and, by virtue of his office, ought to assume and be accorded a high position, officially, commercially and socially. Whatever are the qualities of Dr. Crum, the collector of Charleston, or his ability to care for the collection and delivery of the revenues, and even to look after the commercial interests of the port, it must be admitted that, by reason of his color, he cannot associate on equal terms with the business men of the community, and is wholly cut off from the exercise of all social functions whatever. He does not, therefore, properly represent the government, and the government is without a representative in Charleston, except in the limited sense that it has there a curator of its revenues. The protest of the Charleston people has been

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