authenticity of many of the papers adduced against her, they would not prove her guilty of any crime; for she was surely doing no wrong if, after a calamitous captivity of nineteen years, in which she had lost for ever her youth, her health, and her happiness, she made one last effort to regain the liberty of which she had been so unfairly robbed; but that, as to scheming against the life of the Queen, her sister, it was an infamy she abhorred: "I would disdain," she said, "to purchase all that is most valuable on earth by the assassination of the meanest of the human race; and, worn out as I now am with cares and suffering, the prospect of a crown is not so inviting that I should ruin my soul in order to obtain it. Neither am I a stranger to the feelings of humanity, nor unacquainted with the duties of religion, and it is my nature to be more inclined to the devotion of Esther than to the sword of Judith. If ever I have given consent by my words, or even by my thoughts, to any attempt against the life of the Queen of England, far from declining the judgment of men, I shall not even pray for the mercy of God." to Babington's conspiracy, and had com. passed and imagined divers matters within the realm of England, tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of the royal person of Elizabeth, in opposition to the statute framed for her protection." The same day, the lords commissioners, and judges of the realm, declared:"That this sentence did derogate nothing from the right or honour of James, King of Scotland; but that he remained, and was in the same rank, estate, and right as if it had never been." A few days afterwards, the Parliament approved and confirmed the sentence pronounced against the Queen of Scotland: all with one accord (by the Lord Chancellor) presented a petition to the Queen, wherein they desired, that, for the preservation of the true religion of Christ, the tranquillity of the land, the security of her person, the good of them all and their posterity, the sentence against Mary, Queen of Scots, might be publicly pronounced, according to the tenor of the law; alleging reasons drawn from the dangers stirred and practised against religion, her own person, and the realm, by her who was a mother-nurse of the Roman religion, and had sworn an inviolable accord to extirpate the religion now established, and had long since laid claim to the crown, Queen Elizabeth yet living; esteeming that (seeing she was excommunicated) it was lawful to conspire against her, and meritorious to take away her life. She had ruined some noble houses of the land, and had kindled the fire of rebellion in England. That to pardon her were to destroy the people, who much repined at her impunity; and that she could not be freed from the oath of conspiracy, otherwise than by punishment. And, lastly, they recited the example of the awful vengeance of God against King Saul, for not putting Agag and Benadad to death." Elizabeth's advocates were not a little surprised at the eloquent and able manner in which Mary conducted her defence. They had expected to have every thing their own way, and to gain an easy victory over one unacquainted with the forms of legal procedure, and unable to cope with their own professional talents. But they were disappointed and baffled; and, in order to maintain their ground even plausibly, they were obliged to protract the proceedings for two whole days. Nor, after all, did the commissioners venture to pronounce judgment, but adjourned the court to the Star-Chamber at Westminster, where they knew that Mary would not be present, and where, consequently, they would have no opposition to fear. On the twenty fifth of October, they assem- In reply to this address, Elizabeth bled there, and having again examined said —“Now my life hath been atthe secretaries Nawe and Curll, and who tempted to be taken away, it grieveth confirmed their former declarations, a me most, that it was by such a person unanimous judgment was delivered, that as was of mine own sex, estate, and "Mary, commonly called Queen of Scots, rank; to whom I was so far from bearand Dowager of France, was accessory | ing ill-will, that, on the contrary, after she had plotted divers matters against me, I wrote to her in private, that if in any writing secretly she would acknowledge them, I would bury them all in oblivion. Neither would I have done this to entrap her; for I knew already all she could confess: and, although the matter was at that pass, yet if she had but shewed herself truly penitent, none would have taken her cause against me in hand. Nevertheless, if only it had concerned mine own life, and not the safe-guard of my people (without ostentation be it spoken), I would willingly have pardoned her. If England by my death might flourish the more, or gain a better prince, I could be well content to lay down my life; for I desire to live solely for your good and that of my people. As touching these late treasons, I will not so much prejudice either myself, or the ancient laws of my country, in such fashion, as not to think this arch treason to be subject thereto, although this new law had never been made; the which (although some favourers of her have suspected so) was not made against her, but was so far from entangling her, that it was rather a pre-admonition to her not to come within the danger of it; nevertheless, you have, by this new law, brought me into such a narrow strait, that I am to determine upon the punishment of a Princess, my next kinswoman; whose practices have afflicted me with so great a grief, that, not to augment my sorrows in hearing it spoken of, I did willingly absent myself from this Parliament, and not (as some think) for fear of treachery. Notwithstanding, I will not leave (although I use few words of it) to put this secret out of my heart, which I have seen with mine eyes, and read the oath, by which some have bound themselves to dispatch me within one month. From hence I foresee your danger in my person, and certainly I shall be careful and diligent to repel it. But forasmuch as the matter now in hand is an example as important as rare, I deem you expect not that I should resolve anything for the present: for my manner is, even in things of less consequence, to be long in deliberating about that I must once resolve upon. I will pray to God Almighty, that he will illuminate my heart, to foresee what is commodious for the church, the commonwealth, and your safeties. Notwithstanding, lest delay should bring danger, you shall (as the opportunity of time will serve) understand my purpose. In the meantime, I would you should expect all the goodness from me, which good subjects may look for from a good Princess." Twelve days afterwards, she sent the Lord Chancellor to the House of Lords, and Pickering to the Commons, entreating them to more seriously consider the matter, and to devise some more wholesome remedy, that the Queen of Scotland's life might be preserved and secured. After they had deliberated a long time, and considered that the good or ill of Princes concerneth their subjects, they, with one according voice, all adopted the same resolution which they had done before, grounded upon these reasons:-"That so long as the Queen of Scotland lived, Queen Elizabeth could not be secure, unless she would become penitent, and acknowledge her crimes; and that she should be kept more straitly, and bound by oath and writing; or that she should deliver hostages; or that she should depart the kingdom. Of her repentance they had no hope, for she had been ungrateful to Queen Elizabeth, who had saved her life, and would not so much as acknowledge her faults; as for a straiter guard, her hand-writing, oath, or hostages, they would be all as nothing; for that when Queen Elizabeth died, all these would vanish away instantly. As for departing the land (if she were out of it), they feared she would raise arms against it." The Lord Chancellor and the Speaker of the Commons declared this resolution of the parliament to Elizabeth; importuning her earnestly, that the sentence should be put into execution: shewing her, "That if it were injustice to deny the execution of the law to the meanest subject, much greater would it be to refuse to grant it to the whole body of the people, who with one voice and will demanded it." To which she replied:— "O how wearisome is that way where religion in England could not stand. we find nothing but irksomeness whilst She replied, that "the judgment was we are going in it; and when 'tis past, unjust;" refused the Protestant bishop inquietudes! I am troubled this day and the dean whom they recommended (if ever the like) whether to speak or to to her, and desired a Catholic priest hold my tongue; if I should speak, and to direct her conscience, and to adnot complain, I dissemble; if I hold minister the sacraments; she also my tongue, the pains you have taken greatly blamed the English nation, sayare in vain; if I complain, it will seeming often:-"The English have many strange; notwithstanding, I confess times murdered their kings; and it is that my first request was both for your no strange thing if they do the like to security, and mine own. Some other me, who am derived of their royal means should have been found out than blood." The sentence was proclaimed what you now propound; insomuch, in the month of December, with the that I cannot but complain to you, sound of a trumpet, through the City of though not of you; for that I learn by London, in presence of the Lord Mayor, your demands, that my safety dependeth the Sheriffs, and the Aldermen. Elizaupon another's ruin. If any think that beth protested that she had been drawn I have purposely prolonged the time, to into it by necessity, and the earnest purchase a counterfeit praise of cle- request of parliament. On the awful mency, undoubtedly they wrong me tidings reaching the ears of Mary, she, unworthily; and greater wrong they do by permission of her keeper, Sir Amias me if they think that the commissioners Poulet, wrote the following affecting durst pronounce no other sentence for epistle to Elizabeth:fear of displeasing me, or seeming to neglect my safety. However, because it now clearly appeareth, that I cannot be safe unless she die, I am touched with a deep dolour. As concerning your demand, I entreat and charge you, to be content with this my answer. I commend your judgment, and apprehend the reasons thereof. But excuse me, I pray, for that doubtful perplexity of thought, which troubleth me. If I say I will not comply with your demand, by my faith! I shall say unto you more, perhaps, than I mean. If I should say that I mean to grant it, I should tell you more than is fit for you to know; thus I must deliver to you an answer, answerless." After this, the parliament was prorogued. On the twenty-second of November Lord Buckhurst and Beale were despatched to announce to Mary, that judgment was given against her; that it was confirmed by authority of parliament, and its execution demanded for the sake of justice, security, and necessity. They, therefore, exhorted her, that after she had acknowledged her offences to God and Queen Elizabeth, to satisfy herself by repentance before she died; for, if she lived, the reformed "I put off all malice of heart towards you; giving thanks to God for this condemnation, seeing it was his good pleasure to terminate the irksome pilgrimage which I have had in this life; and I desire, for I can expect no good from hot-headed innovators, who hold the chiefest rank in England, that I may be beholden to you alone, and no other, for the benefits following: - First, that when my adversaries are glutted with my innocent blood, my body may be carried from thence, by my own servants, to some sacred and hallowed ground, there to be buried; and above all, into France, where my mother lyeth in rest; seeing that, in Scotland, they had offered violence to the dead bodies of my ancestors, profaned or despoiled the churches; and in England, I can hope for no burial, according to the Catholic solemnities, amongst the ancient kings my ancestors; and so my body, that never had rest so long as it was joined to my soul, may have some at last, after it has parted from it. "Secondly, fearing the close tyranny of some, I desire that I may not suffer my punishment unknown to the Queen of England, in some secret place, but in the sight of my servants, and other peo ple, that they may truly bear witness of my faith in Christ, of my obedience to the church, and of the end of my life, against the false testimony which my adversaries may declare abroad. Thirdly, I desire that my servants may be suffered peaceably to depart whither they will, and to enjoy the legacies I have bequeathed them by my will. I beseech you, in the name of Jesus Christ, to grant me these things, by virtue of our alliance in blood, by the sacred memory of Henry the Seventh, our common progenitor, and by the princely honour which sometimes you display. I have great cause of complaint, that all my princely robes were taken away, by command of the councillors. I fear their malice will extend to worse things. If they had but shewn me, without fraud or falsehood, the papers which they took from me, it would clearly have appeared by them, that nothing would have caused my untimely death, but the doubtful care which some had of your Majesty's safety. Finally, I entreat you to return me an answer under your own hand, touching these things." But, alas! no answer was returned by her unfeeling kinswoman. could only be considered as a prisoner of war; and to such it was lawful to practise any means to effect her liberty and freedom. That she could not commit treason, because she was no subject; and that none hath power over an equal. That this circumstance had caused to be disannulled the sentence of the Emperor of Austria against Robert, King of Sicily, because he was not subject to his empire. That if ambassadors, who are but the servants of princes, shall conspire against those to whom they are employed in embassy, they are not culpable of treason, much less the princes themselves; and that the will ought not to be punished, unless it take effect. That it was a thing unheard of, for a queen to pass under the hands of a common executioner. That she was condemned contrary to the law of God, the Roman civil law, and the English; yea, even against the statute of the thirteenth of Elizabeth, whereby it was ordained, "That no person should be called into judgment for having attempted the ruin of the prince, but upon the testimony and oath of two lawful witnesses, who should be brought face to face before the accused;" whilst no witness was produced against her on her trial, but she was condemned from the testimony of two absent secretaries. Others loudly complained, that spies had been suborned, who, by forgery, false letters, and deceitful practices, had deluded the Princess, and exposed her to machinations, of which she would not even have dreamt, had she been left to that quiet and repose which was requisite in her situation. That, in short, a cruel, base, and unmanly advantage was taken of an unfortunate captive Princess, utterly powerless, and unable to contend against the malignity of a jealous Queen, and an enslaved, fawning, and persecuting In calmly weighing the conduct of Elizabeth and her Parliament, the intelligent part of the community considered that the unfortunate Mary was being cruelly dealt with. They reasoned that she was an absolute and free Princess, over whom God alone had the command; that she was very nearly allied to Queen Elizabeth; and that, being driven out of Scotland by her rebellious subjects, she had no sooner arrived in England, than Queen Elizabeth promised her, upon her princely word, by Henry Mildmore, to show her all courtesy, and to welcome her with all hospitality. Yet, contrary to this promise, she imprisoned her, and violated those sacred rights. That she | Parliament. CHAPTER X. James the Sixth intercedes with Elizabeth for his mother-The King of France endeavours to save her-Elizabeth's reply to the King of France-Conspiracy of the French Ambassador-Elizabeth terrified by false reports-She at length signs the warrant for Mary's execution-Mary prepares for death-Her heroic behaviour and execution. N the meantime, | because it is now come to that issue, James the Sixth, the that there is no hope left for the one, if youthful King of the other be not extinct! In verity, Scotland, who bore either I shall dispatch her, or she me! his unfortunate mo- And the shorter time her life shall last. ther but little affec- the more celerity will the conspirators tion, was prevailed use to execute their plots. For whatupon to write to Eli-ever cause she was put in prison, she is zabeth :- "That it was most unjust, to be punished for the fault she hath that the nobles, the councillors, and sub-committed since the time of her imprijects of England should give sentence sonment! And as she hath been found against a Queen of Scotland, born of the guilty by a just judgment, she ought to English blood; and as unjust also, that undergo punishment; for that which is the Parliament should exclude the true just is honest, and that which is honest heirs from the right of succession, and their lawful inheritance." He also sent Patrick Gray and Robert Melvin to declare to Elizabeth-"That the great proximity betwixt them would not let him believe that she would violate that renowned reputation which she from all parts had purchased by her virtues; and especially by her merciful policy, unstained hitherto by any spot of cruelty;" and to entreat her to spare the life of his unfortunate mother, Mary. But as they themselves secretly desired the death of the Queen of Scots, their efforts were ineffectual. In November, an extraordinary ambassador arrived from France, to intercede for the condemned Princess. Accompanied by M. de Chateauneuf, the ordinary ambassador, he had audience with Elizabeth, and strenuously urged her not to carry the sentence against Mary into execution. Elizabeth replied, in a tone of asperity: "That the Queen of England hoped, that the most Christian King of France made no less reckoning of her than of the Queen of Scotland, who had practised her destruction; that whilst Mary liveth, there will always be new plots of mischief breeding; especially, is also profitable. That punishment of death, justly inflicted, cannot be accounted bloody, no more than a wholesome medicine can be deemed hurtful. Howsoever the Guises, the Queen of Scotland's cousins, relish it, Queen Elizabeth hath more nearer cause to respect herself, her own safety, her nobility, and the good of her people, on whose love she wholly dependeth, than the discontent of any other whatsoever; and that the matter was now at that point, that the old proverb of the two Princes, Conradine, King of Sicily, and Charles, Duke of Anjou, might be used, and truly said of these two Queens:-"The death of Mary-the life of Elizabeth; and the life of Mary-the death of Elizabeth.'" D'Aubespine, the ambassador for France in England, who was of the faction of the Guises, thinking that, if he could not by argument or reasons deliver the Queen of Scotland, he might yet do so by some mischievous craft, treated privately, first with one William Stafford, a youth, whose mother was one of the ladies of honour, about the killing of Queen Elizabeth. At first, he dealt with him in an under-hand way, but afterwards more plainly, by his se |