nation and dialect, with the aid of a single vernacular language, by a triple method; first, true and real, openly, without any suspicion of secret fraud; secondly, by a peculiar technology artificially arranged; and thirdly, by a secret character composed in an inscrutable kind of writing.

To the work of Bishop Wilkins, which is extremely well arranged, we refer our readers for his system. Kalmar, an Hungarian, the next in order, has invented a very complex arrangement, since eighteen distinct characters are required to mark preponderance of one object over another. Passing the simple arrangement of our countryman, Northmore, and Wolke, we come to De Murr, who advanced very far beyond his compeers in pasigraphy. He did not, however, extend his views to a vocal language. Vater simply improved on De Murr. Hourwitz's system requires the aid of more than one language. Anderson, and Pannier his follower, exhibit one advantage, that their system is easily printed. Rowland Jones, of the Middle Temple, exhibited, in 1771, outlines of a system; and from this vast body of pasigraphists we pass to the system of our author. Here we frankly confess that the human hand cannot follow out the formation, with any rapidity, of the characters exhibited in the plate to this work. We admit the merit of the simple changes by which, with but few characters, 5,760 distinct monosyllabic words may be expressed; but we think a better arrangement might be adopted. Why does the writer, whom we presume to be acquainted with Greek, not call his primary symbol, his B, by the proper description of a Greek p, which is a strait line with a circular projection at one end? A simpler element than this might have been taken. The characters for the smaller letters would be liable to perpetual misinterpretation, and the system of ranging around the points of a circle is the worst of all. However, notwithstanding all this, here is a system in which any one being, however ignorant of the language of the person with whom he was talking on the other side of an electric telegraph, could understand him by the medium of these universal symbols; and we think it well worthy the attention of the scientific to reduce the thoughts of the author and others into simpler shape, and better practical results. It cannot but be matter of high importance that the nations should mingle more with each other in speech and thought than they have hitherto done; for, taking the broad aggregate, what intercourse has mind with mind, nationally speaking? Does one in a hundred of our population understand German? one in a thousand Chinese, one in fifty even French? It cannot, then, but appear that national communication really does not exist, except through a few interpreters here and there. We

do not dive into the general mind or spirit of a people. We cannot effectuate a binding edifice of mutual hopes, fears, beliefs, with the slime of the Babel pits, that so infirmly unite its component parts. But if this great work were achieved, it would, like the tablets for the blind, invented by the benevolent Mr. Frere, develope to us what man is now inwardly and actually, of which we can only form darkling guesses. But by this process the meanest dialect of Madagascar, of the Gold Coast, of Polynesia, might infuse into itself the riches and the lore of Europe, and receive back the curious experiences of these antitheses to civilized existence. The present plan may not prove the best, its modest author invites competition, is only anxious for the prevalence of the master-idea of his heart,-a universal language. It is within the limit of possible attainment; in fact, bold must he be who sees the modern marvels, and limits this. It is now no exaggeration to affirm, that if astronomy hold on her present advances, that a lunar population (if that planet has one, which we own the present appearances of her sphere do not render likely,) will be seen by earthly sight. Surely this great physical difficulty, now rapidly tending to solution, is not one of less improbability than a universal language. We had considered at one time that this problem might have been solved by a selection from various tongues; but on maturer consideration, we think the right track is the symbolic, and are prepared to forward this by all the means in our power. Surely, if the blind can be taught to read, the seeing intelligence around us can be taught to conceive with its like, and all hearts be induced to mingle in this glorious communing of every people, and tongue, and nation, and language.

283

ART. III.-The Conquest of Scinde: a Commentary. By Lieut.Colonel Outram, C.B., Resident at Sattarah. London: Blackwood. 1846.

THIS work is a vindication of the author from certain charges made by General William Napier in his "Conquest of Scinde;" a work devoted to the setting forth in a high and proud position (and certainly well has the gallant officer earned it) the military glories and policy of Sir Charles Napier. The author of the work immediately before us is also entitled to considerable attention from the fact, that he has resided long in Scinde as the British Political Agent, and therefore is practically acquainted with results. It must not be forgotten, also, that Major Outram was summarily removed to make way for his more brilliant successor, Sir C. Napier; so that here also lay another source of disturbing rancour. This does not appear to have subsided when Major Outram joined Sir C. Napier again in the capacity of British Commissioner. Here, as might be expected, the authorities were soon at issue; and Major Outram must excuse us for telling him plainly, that he could not be a competent judge of acts performed by the Ameers during a time that he was absent from Scinde, and with which acts Sir C. Napier had to deal as he best might. He must also excuse us for saying, that it is not fair to call General W. Napier's book an "exciting romance." Works that are to be read must be descriptive of the places they speak of; and was there ever any romance, we demand, more wonderful than the rapid subjugation of the children of the Indus on both sides of its borders? No one impugns, that we are aware of, the value of Major Outram's services; still we should not have had Scinde, on his own showing, by his plan, in our opinion a desirable possession, and therefore, if taken on just grounds, a matter of earnest congratulation to the British nation. We shall not enter into the documents produced by Major Outram to prove his efficiency: that is not requisite to be shown, since it is not impugned. Major Outram admits the gallantry of Sir C. Napier. As a general, he cedes him the palm in war, but he disputes his merit as a diplomatist. We must confess that we do not think that one of the blots, that Major Outram seems to think he hits with great vigour in the diplomacy of Sir C. Napier, viz. making a sovereign answerable for the deeds of his prime-minister, is a fair accusation against any officer in the ex

tremely difficult position of the gallant general. Surely, with the fate of Sir W. M'Naughten before him, trusting to dim reasoning and close-drawn distinctions was not advisable. Equally weak and futile is the attempt to throw discredit on Sir C. Napier by the issue that might have ensued on his advance on Meer Muhammed Houssein, who intended to have destroyed his whole harem and family, to prevent worse consequences to them in the eyes of a Moslem. With points of this private nature, large operations cannot be fairly charged. In the case of the abdication of Meer Roostum of the turban, we think highly of the diplomacy of Sir C. Napier; but we admit that Major Outram appears to establish some disingenuousness on the part of Sir C. Napier, and some inconsistency with his own declarations. We, however, reserve any express opinion until Major Outram's book receives a reply, which it assuredly will, and has gone far to provoke, by many expressions which it would have been highly desirable to have omitted. Open charges of falsehood on Sir C. Napier, in many places without the qualification of allowing for misinformation, or even unintentional inaccuracy, are hard points for one officer to digest from a brother-officer. The conduct of Sir C. Napier appears so manly and straightfor ward throughout, as his correspondence with Ameer Roostum indicates, that we cannot but think that he acted on what he thought, erroneously or otherwise, to be true information, and that this Ameer is painted too much en beau by Major Outram we entertain no doubt. Who can in effect dive into the secrets of every wily Indian's heart? Who can judge them by other than their overt acts? The language applied by Major Outram to Sir C. Napier's letter to the Rais of Scinde is such as he must regret in calmer moments. We do not think Sir C. Napier was in a position to do other than accept the alleged formal resignation of the turban to his brother, Ali Morad, by the Rais of Scinde. He could only abide by positive acts, and it had become essential to British policy that the Rais should be both an ally, and an effective one, of the British government. Ali Morad offered these favourable points to British interests. As to the manner in which he acted to his infirm relative, Roostum, that was not a thing likely at the time to be so clearly developed as Major Outram has now the opportunity of showing it. Books written long after the events they describe, like those before us, always exhibit much greater perspicuity into motives than the active general of the British force in Scinde was likely to evince at the critical and embarrassing period of his policy immediately before us. So much for Meer Roostum. The very words of the great captain of the age show the necessity that

existed for dealing peremptorily with the Ameers:-" Now that I have had time to reflect on Meer Roostum's flight, the less I feel annoyed. It enables me to act with decision regarding Ali Morad. He must be made master of Emaumghur, which seems to be their Gibraltar.”

We believe that the Ameers really did exhibit a vast amount of treachery, so that to deal with them was a matter of no small difficulty. Major Outram sneers at the daring attempt on Emaumghur by Sir C. Napier. It is well known that the Thrasonic brag is widely remote from the character of the warrior chief of Scinde, yet his words are the following:

"Ameers! you imagine that you can procrastinate till your fierce sun drives the British troops out of the field, and forces them to seek shelter in Sukkur. You trusted to your desert, and were deceived; you trust to your deadly sun, and may again be deceived. I will not write a second letter to you, nor a second time expose the authority which I represent to indignity; but this proclamation will, I hope, induce you to adopt a manly, instead of an insidious course." (p. 285.)

We have read Major Outram's strictures on the Duke of Wellington's opinion of this expedition; but they do not convince us that that the expedition was the mighty slight affair therein described. Every effort is made by Major Outram to clear the Ameers of aggressive measures; yet, despite all this, in what light can the attack on the residency be viewed, which originated on their side? They compelled Major Outram to evacuate that position, and yet we are gravely told that the battle of Meeanee was a wholly unprovoked onslaught. Really there hangs around Major Outram's eyes scales of extraordinary thickness, which prevent his seeing at times the plainest objects. Sir Charles Napier describes this action, we believe, in its real character, in a letter dated the 12th June:

"The Ameer says he fixed his seal to the new treaty: yes; he did so on the evening of the 14th, and on the morning of the 15th he tore it with contumely in open Durbar. The Ameer says he sent a guard of favourite nobles to protect Major Outram. It is very evident there was no occasion to murder Major Outram in the evening, when they intended to destroy him, and all who were with him, next morning. He knew that by murdering him in the evening, his party would immediately retreat to the steamer, and they would have lost the pleasure of murdering upwards of one hundred Englishmen by the premature assassination of one.” (p. 375.)

Sir Charles Napier also says, that he found throughout that Major Outram was grossly deceived by the Ameers. His correspondence shows the same. We give an extract :