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express relational concepts. On the basis of this formal criterion we may classify languages, at least for the purposes of this paper, into the three main types of linguistic morphology generally recognized. The first type is characterized by the use of words which allow of no grammatical modification whatever; in other words, the so-called isolating type. In a language of this type all relational concepts are expressed by means of the one simple device of juxtaposing words in a definite order, the words themselves remaining unchangeable units that, according to their position in the sentence, receive various relational values. The classical example of such a language is Chinese, an illustration from which will serve as an example of the isolating type of sentence. woo3 (rising from deep tone) pū2 (rising from high) p'a (sinking from middle) tā1 (high) may be literally translated "I not fear he," meaning "I do not fear him;" woo3 "I" as subject comes first; p'a "fear" as predicate follows it; pu2 "not," inasmuch as it limits the range of meaning given by the predicate, must precede it, hence stands between the subject and predicate; finally t'a2 "he" as object follows the predicate. If we exchange the positions of woo3 and t'ā1 we change their syntactical bearing; wōo 3 "I" becomes "me" as object, while t'a1, which in our first sentence was best translated as "him" now becomes "he" as subject, and the sentence now takes on the meaning of "he does not fear me."

In the second main type of language, generally known as the agglutinative, the words are not generally unanalyzable entities, as in Chinese, but consist of a stem or radical portion and one or more grammatical elements which partly modify its primary signification, partly define its relation to other words in the sentence. While these grammatical elements are in no sense independent words or capable of being understood apart from their proper use as subordinate parts of a whole, they have, as a rule, their definite signification and are used with quasi-mechanical regularity whenever it is considered grammatically necessary to express the corresponding logical concept; the result is that the word, though a unit, is a clearly segmented one comparable to a mosaic. An example taken from Turkish, a typical agglutinative language, will give some idea of the spirit of the type it represents. The English sentence "They were converted into the (true) faith with heart and soul" is rendered in Turkish džan u gönül-den iman-a gel-ir-ler,1 literally translated, "Heart and soulfrom belief-to come-ing-plural." The case-ending -den "from" is here appended only to gönül "soul" and not to džan "heart," though it applies equally to both; here we see quite clearly that a case-ending is not indissolubly connected with the noun to which it is appended, but has a considerable degree of mobility and corresponding transpa

1 The Turkish and Chinese examples are taken from F. N. Finck's "Die Haupttypen des Sprachbaus."

rency of meaning. The verb form gel-ir-ler, which may be roughly translated as "they come," is also instructive from our present point of view; the ending -ler or -lar is quite mechanically used to indicate the concept of plurality, whether in noun or verb, so that a verb form "they come," really "come-plural," is to some extent parallel to a noun form like "books," really "book-plural." Here we see clearly the mechanical regularity with which a logical concept and its corresponding grammatical element are associated.

In the third, the inflective, type of language, while a word may be analyzed into a radical portion and a number of subordinate grammatical elements, it is to be noted that the unity formed by the two is a very firm one, moreover that there is by no means a mechanical oneto-one correspondence between concept and grammatical element. An example from Latin, a typical inflective language, will illustrate the difference between the agglutinative and inflective types. In a sentence like video homines "I see the men," it is true that the verb form video may be analyzed into a radical portion vide- and a personal ending -ō, also that the noun form homines may be analyzed into a radical portion homin- and an ending -ēs which combines the concepts of plurality with objectivity; that is, a concept of number with one of case. But, and here comes the significant point, these words, when stripped of their endings, cease to have even a semblance of meaning, in other words, the endings are not merely agglutinated on to fully formed words, but form firm word-units with the stems to which they are attached; the absolute or rather subjective form homo, "man," is quite distinct from the stem homin- which we have obtained by analysis. Moreover, it should be noted that the ending -ō is not mechanically associated with the concept of subjectivity of the first person singular, as is evidenced by such forms as vīdī "I saw" and videam "I may see"; in the ending -es of homines the lack of the mechanical association I have spoken of is even more pronounced, for not only are there in Latin many other noun endings which perform the same function, but the ending does not even express a single concept, but, as we have seen, a combined one.

The term polysynthetic is often employed to designate a fourth type of language represented chiefly in aboriginal America, but, as has been shown in another connection, it refers rather to the content of a morphologic system than to its form, and hence is not strictly parallel as a classificatory term to the three we have just examined. As a matter of fact, there are polysynthetic languages in America which are at the same time agglutinative, others which are at the same time inflective.

It should be carefully borne in mind that the terms isolating, agglutinative, and inflective make no necessary implications as to the logical concepts the language makes use of in its grammatical system, nor is

it possible definitely to associate these three types with particular formal processes. It is clear, however, that on the whole languages which make use of word order only for grammatical purposes are isolating in type, further, that languages that make a liberal grammatical use of internal vowel or consonant change may be suspected of being inflective. It was quite customary formerly to look upon the three main types of morphology as steps in a process of historical development, the isolating type representing the most primitive form of speech at which it was possible to arrive, the agglutinative coming next in order as a type evolved from the isolating, and the inflective as the latest and so-called highest type of all. Further study, however, has shown that there is little to support this theory of evolution of types. The Chinese language, for instance, so far from being typical of a primitive stage, as used to be asserted, has been quite conclusively proven by internal and comparative evidence to be the resultant of a long process of simplification from an agglutinative type of language. English itself, in its historical affiliations an inflective language, has ceased to be a clear example of the inflective type and may perhaps be said to be an isolating language in the making. Nor should we be too hasty in attaching values to the various types and, as is too often done even to-day, look with contempt on the isolating, condescendingly tolerate the agglutinative, and vaunt the superiority of the inflective type. A well-developed agglutinative language may display a more logical system than the typically inflective language. And, as for myself, I should not find it ridiculous or even paradoxical if one asserted that the most perfect linguistic form, at least from the point of view of logic, had been attained by Chinese, for here we have a language that, with the simplest possible means at its disposal, can express the most technical or philosophical ideas with absolute lack of ambiguity and with admirable conciseness and directness.

ANCIENT GREECE AND ITS SLAVE POPULATION.1

BY S. ZABOROWSKI,

Professor of Ethnography, School of Anthropology, Paris.

The manipulation and the preparation of ordinary articles and of food products were at first carried on in Grecian homes exclusively by members of the family, and later the service of slaves was utilized for such work. Domestic industry was more general up to our time, and it decreased and gave way only because of the enormous improvements of manufacture in shops and on a large scale, and the increase in facilities of communication and for transport.

In ancient Greece domestic industry was the common custom. The poorest did not hesitate to have at least one or two slaves for grinding their grain, for making their bread, as well as for reaping and for weaving garments.

Artisans were at first forced to practice several trades at once to gain a living. In small cities the same class of workmen made bedsteads, doors, plows, tables, and even built houses.

The division of work depended on commerce and its demands. And during the great epoch in Greece one even saw the cooks, just as they do in our day to the detriment of the middle class, acquiring an individual reputation each for a specialty-one for the frying of fish, another for lentil bread, etc. In the potteries there were special workmen for vases; others for making only lamps, and others for statuettes. This was a step toward trade and manufactures, properly so called.

Many cities specialized in certain products, due to favorable local conditions, to the possession of trade secrets. Thus commerce demanded from Megara only "exomides" or the coarse clothes for slaves which all needed, and all the inhabitants of Megara were supported by their manufacture. Likewise, gauze robes, "chlamides," were the specialty at Miletis and perfumes and pottery at Athens. The skill of the bronze workers of Corinth was wonderful.

But it would be incorrect to assume that the citizens of these places, either as a whole or in great part, were themselves actually

1 Translated by permission from Revue Anthropologique, Paris, vol. 21, 1911, pp. 245–258.
85360°-SM 1912- -39

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