he held. Teach the land-owning nobles that the legitimate rank of the aristocracy can be maintained only by disinterested service in county and State, but it is undermined by exemption from taxes and other unwarrantable privileges. The bureaucracy, instead of confining itself to pedantic book knowledge, and esteeming red tape and salary above everything else, should study the people, live with the people, and adapt its measures to the living realities of the times."

Such was the plan upon which Stein proceeded. Villanage was abolished by indemnifying the nobles. Class distinctions in the eye of the law were abolished. A municipal system was established. The youth of Prussia were gradually and yet universally trained to the use of arms. In the meantime Napoleon had heard of "one Stein," who was engaged in retrieving the reverses of Prussia; and in 1808 he was compelled to resign his office and take refuge in Austria. But his plans were sedulously carried out by his successor, Count Von Hardenberg. Shortly after, the battle of Leipsic took place, when the armies of Napoleon were driven back towards France. Some of Stein's plans had not been carried out, and the national representation which he proposed was postponed until a future day. Still villanage was abolished, and the foundations of Prussia's future prosperity were laid. Stein

* When Stein was about to leave Berlin for Breslau, the new French minister to the Prussian Court arrived, carrying with him the following decree :

"I. Le nommé Stein, cherchant à exciter des troubles en Allemagne, est déclaré ennemi de la France et de la Confédération du Rhin.

"2. Les biens que ledit Stein posséderait, soit en France soit dans le pays de la Confédération du Rhin, seront sequestres. Ledit Stein sera saisi de sa personne partout où il pourra être atteint par nos troupes ou celles de nos alliés. NAPOLEON

"Le 16. Décembre 1808."

CHAP. VIII.

Monument to Von Stern.

221

died in 1831, leaving behind him the reputation of having been one of the firmest characters and the greatest statesmen that Prussia ever produced.

About three years ago, when a monument to Stein was unveiled at Berlin, Dr. Gneist, Professor of Law, called to remembrance the great things that the hero had done for Prussia. He said that he vindicated religion as the only true basis of moral life; that sensual pleasures, idleness, and the love of gain and riches can never be effectually counteracted except by patriotism and the love of one's neighbour; and that constitutional forms are a matter of comparative indifference so long as liberty exists. "The man to whom we are indebted for these teachings was not a man of words, but of deeds-deeds founded upon a character full of patriotism, energy, truth, and faith. Deeply imbued with the fear of God, and therefore free from all fear of man, aiming at great objects, and never hesitating to pursue them in the teeth of all difficulties, he frequently contented himself with laying down principles, leaving their execution and the cautious choice of ways and means to others. Full of noble indignation against fear and diffidence, selfishness, and false appearances; haughty, abrupt, and imperious where these qualities were required, he boldly warred against prejudice and obsolete customs. It was a merciful provision of Providence that this noble Stein, this precious stone and gem of our unity, was a rough diamond, preserving in his character the rigour and vigour indispensable in the reformer. Nor need we rejoice at having a monument to remind us of the departed statesman; all the institutions of modern Germany bear the impress of his mind. Neither do we wish to boast of this monument as a symbol of glory. The very idea of glory was utterly abhorrent to his pure soul, to all he wrote and did. No, as the inscription tells

us in the most unpretending language, this is no monument of glory but of gratitude; no monument of victory but of thankfulness."

We who live now, have vitality under our own eyes.

seen a nation grow up into

Forty years ago the fortunes her warmest admirers. That

of Italy looked very dark to capability for self-government, which, for a time, was the glory of the Italian republics, seemed to be extinct. It was thought that the people had lost their old political qualities. At the break-down of Napoleon, Italy was parcelled out among a set of petty absolutists, who governed the people with a rod of iron. It was not till 1848 that Charles Albert, King of Sardinia, came boldly forward and asserted the principles of constitutional government. In that year a

great war of revolution spread over Europe. Barricades were erected in the streets of Paris, and Louis Philippe fled to England. At Berlin the troops and people fought in the streets, and the city was declared in a state of siege. A Polish insurrection broke out, which was subdued after a frightful slaughter. The city of Prague revolted against the Austrians. Messina was bombarded by the King of Naples. The Pope fled to Gaeta, and a Roman republic was set up. The people of Milan rose against the Austrians, and drove them out. Venice followed, and a provisional government was formed under Daniel Manin.

Charles Albert went to the aid of the Milanese. The Austrians, in great force, drove him back towards Turin, defeated him at Novara, and resumed possession of the revolted provinces. The king abdicated in favour of his son Victor Emmanuel. When the young king accepted the crown, he pointed his sword to the Austrian camp, and said, "Per Dio, l'Italia sarà !" It seemed at the time to be a vainglorious boast. Yet his prophecy was fulfilled. Marshal

CHAP. VIII.

Victor Emmanuel.

223

Radetzky proposed to him that he should abolish the constitutional charter granted to the people by his father, and follow the Austrian policy of repression and obscuration. The young king rejected the proposal, and declared that, sooner than subscribe to such conditions, he was ready to renounce not one crown only, but a thousand. "The House of Savoy," he said, "knows the path of exile, but not the path of dishonour." Radetzky, though a conqueror, acknowledged the greatness of the young king. "This man," he said, "is a noble man; he will give us much to do."

The king was supported and upheld by able statesmen. In the days of sorrow that succeeded Novara, Cavour said, Every day's existence is a gain." When the war with Russia took place, it seemed a bold thing on the part of the King of Sardinia to send fifteen thousand troops to the Crimea. When Cavour was told of the Sardinian infantry struggling with mud in the trenches, he exclaimed, "Never mind; it is out of that mud that Italy is to be made." Austria regarded with indignation the growing power of the king, and called upon Sardinia to disarm, under threat of immediate hostilities. Victor Emmanuel issued a proclamation. "Austria," he said, "is increasing her troops on our frontier, and threatens to invade our territory, because here liberty reigns with order, because not might but concord and affection between the people and the sovereign here govern the state, because the groans of Italy here find an echo; and Austria dares to ask us, who are armed only in self-defence, to lay down. our arms and submit to her clemency. That insulting demand has received the reply it deserved: I rejected it with contempt. Soldiers, to arms !"

The Emperor Napoleon took part with the King of

War

Sardinia his ally, and declared war against Austria. commenced, and the Austrians were driven back at Montebello, Palestro, Magenta, Malignano, and Solferino. The treaty of Villafranca concluded the campaign; and Lombardy, Tuscany, Parma, Modena, and Bologna, were united to Northern Italy. Then Garibaldi took the initiative, and invaded Sicily. He won battle after battle, and entered a first-class passenger in a railway train Never was a kingdom so conquered beBut the times were ripe, and the people were on the side of Italian unity. Venetia and Rome were the last to enter the national compact.

Naples alone, as from the south.

fore.

United, it became a

Italy was welded into one state. new nation. It is now one of the great European powers. Italy has, within a few years, stepped forth into the theatre with a promise of future greatness. We regard this fact as one of the greatest moral conquests of the nineteenth century. Nations are not born in a day; but here is an instance of a nation preparing, through generations of struggles and vicissitudes, to assert its supreme right, and to claim its supreme privilege as a united people.

Let us not forget the horrors of war in our exemplification of the life of the soldier and the patriot. Europe is full of standing armies. Science has of late been devoted to the invention and manufacture of man-slaying machinesthe steel rifled cannon, the Minié, the Gatling, the MartiniHenry gun, the torpedo, and other machines of war. Every nation stands watching each other, and on any slight provocation is ready to fight for revenge, for supremacy, or for conquest. It is the same in France, Germany, and

Russia.

The last European war was in the East. The Russians bore down upon the Turks, and after much furious fight