large portion of the educated classes of the enough and been re-produced often enough community would most desire to see in before the public mind for their novelty to power. But something in his manners, or have worn off, may possibly meet with a something which perhaps we must designate dispassionate consideration. as a certain want of nobleness and genero- In the first place, it would seem desirable sity of temper, makes him so personally un- that the House of Commons should if possipopular, that, as we have already observed, ble be restored to its original functions of he has scarcely ever sat twice for the same an advising, representing, and controlling, constituency, and if now appointed to office, but not governing body. This looks like a might very possibly be returned by none. hopeless recommendation, and perhaps it is Indeed, if there be any truth in the rumour, so. It is, as both our own history and the that at the close of last year the negotiations contemporary annals of continental nations which Lord John Russell is known to have show, an inherent tendency in popular legisopened with Sir James Graham, Mr. Glad- lative assemblies, to encroach on the departstone, and Mr. Cardwell, were rendered ment of the executive, and gradually to draw abortive because none of these gentlemen to themselves all the powers of the state. felt any confidence in their re-election, we We have sinned less than our continental. may now trace the advent of a Tory Minis- neighbours in this respect, it is truc, and try of unparalleled and dangerous incapaci- perhaps their example may supply us with ty, the risk arising from an interregnum and a timely warning; but for many years, and a general election at a crisis of great exter- especially since 1832, our movement has nal confusion and uncertainty, and the nui- been undeniably in this direction. And for sance of having to fight the battle of free- a powerful body, voluntarily and from a trade over again, to the operation of this ab- sense of public benefit, to divest itself of surd and antiquated custom. A long-estab- functions and influence which it has usurped, lished government has been upset, and has would be an unheard of forbearance. Still been obliged to resign its functions at a something may be done by making the pubmost critical moment into most alarming lic mind aware of the tendency, and convinhands, because three constituencies one insignificant, one notoriously bigoted, and a third notoriously corrupt-forbade it to call to its aid and that of the country three men of tried and eminent ability.

cing it that the tendency is ruinous. Now it is abundantly obvious, first, that actual business can never be efficiently or promptly done by a committee or board of 658 members; and secondly, that by such usurpation of the ministerial functions the responsibiTo point out existing evils is a far easier lity which should always cling as directly and less delicate task than to suggest a re- as possible to the actors, is in the first place medy. We well know how slowly and re- shifted in a great measure from the minisluctantly the English mind admits a new ters to parliament, and is in the latter body idea, and with what distrust and distaste the shared among so many, and in such various public always turns from any recommenda- and unascertainable proportions as to be virtions which have the least air of science or tually no responsibility at all. With these system about them. Any attempt to mo- remarks, which we throw out for the nationdify or counteract the actual present tenden- al consideration, we leave this branch of the cies of the nation-any scheme of amend- subject. ment or of safety, however cautious, mode- It cannot for a moment be imagined that rate, and wise, which cannot be introduced the aggregate of the governing and guiding to public attention under the aegis of a pre- talent in the whole country has diminished, cedent is almost certain to be suspiciously or that it is inadequate to any demands that and ill received. Thousands who have gone can be made upon it. There probably never along with us in our statement of the diffi- was a period in our history when capacity of culties under which we labour, and of the every kind was as rife as now, when the dangers which threaten us from a defective neral intelligence of the country was so culsupply of able public servants, and from the tivated in every department, or when all inherent unsuitability of the source from ranks could furnish forth so many minds fitwhich they are chosen to supply precisely ted to bring them honour and to do them the right sort of men-will turn away pre- service. The difficulty we have to contend possessed or hopeless, when we endeavour with the first we have to meet is not that to point out the direction in which an allevi- the total national supply of administrative ation of these difficulties and a guarantee and legislative ability is less than formerly, against these dangers should be sought. but merely that it does not now, as formerNevertheless we shall venture on a few sug-ly, instinctively congregate within the walls gestions, which, when they have lain long of Parliament. Great Britain is still opu

ge

lent, though St. Stephens may have become feat is as impossible as that of serving two impoverished and meagre. England we hostile masters.' But for those officials firmly believe to be as rich as ever in pilots whom it was necessary to have in Parliawho could weather every storm, in servants ment, both to afford needful explanations, competent to any task, in statesmen fit to and to defend-as only those actually encope with any emergency. Two things only gaged can fully defend-the conduct and are needed to enlist all this floating and scat measures of the administration, ex officio tered genius in the service of the State :- seats should be provided. There really is that the Sovereign should be at liberty to no reasonable objection that we can divine select her instruments not from senators, to such an obvious and simple solution of orators, or noblemen alone, but from all the difficulty; nor have we ever heard any ranks, descriptions, positions, and profes- urged. Not being Peers, they would of sions; and that she should be enabled to course have no votes in the House of Lords; outbid all other competitors for their talents not being elected by the people, they would -should be empowered to offer them such of course have no votes in the House of Comrewards as will command their willing and mons; the prerogative of neither House of devoted labours, in the shape either of dig- Parliament would be in the slightest degree nity, of emolument, or of that real power of infringed. Her Majesty would simply be proefficient usefulness, which, to the purely am-vided with an indispensable medium of combitious and truly patriotic soul, is the sweet- munication with her "faithful Commons," est and richest recompense which the world's and her " trusty and well-beloved cousins." treasury contains. A very simple arrange- But the proposition is not only indefeasibly ment would suffice. Empower the Queen reasonable: what is a consideration of far to call to her councils all the administrative greater weight with John Bull, it is strictly talent, all the statesmanlike wisdom of the according to, and within precedent. country, in whatsoever rank it has appeared, The Queen can already, of her own free in whatsoever channel it has displayed it- will, place any one she pleases in the House self; and where the duties of the office, or of Peers, not only for a time, but for the public service makes it necessary, let the ever, not only with the right of speech, but royal selection ipso facto confer a seat, with the complete and entire privileges of though not a vote, in Parliament. the peerage. Our proposition does not go nearly this length: it gives the Queen not "The aristocratic class," (Mr. Carlyle obpowers half so extensive as those she already serves,) "from whom members of Parliament wields. With regard to the House of Comcan be elected, extends only to certain thousands: from these you are to choose your Se-mons, it surely cannot be forgotten that up cretary, if a seat in Parliament is the primary to the period of the first Reform Bill, the condition. But the general population is twen- Crown possessed the power (with great adty-seven millions; from all sections of which ditions) which we now propose to bestow you can choose, if the seat in Parliament is not upon it: there were a certain number of Goto be primary. Make it ultimate instead of vernment boroughs to the representation of primary-a last investiture instead of a first in- which the Sovereign could at once nominate dispensable condition-and the whole British nation, learned, unlearned, professional, practi- any minister she might please to appoint. cal, speculative, and miscellaneous, is at your In neither quarter, therefore, is our sugges disposal! In the lowest broad strata of the po- tion open to the charge of innovation. The pulation, equally as in the highest and narrow- amendment would be strictly in conformity est, are produced men of every kind of genius; man for man, your chance of genius is as good among the millions as among the units;-and class for class, what must it be! From all classes, not from certain hundreds as now, but from several millions, whatsoever man the gods had gifted with intellect and nobleness and power to help his country, could be chosen."

with the spirit of the constitution. It would still, as now, be in the power of either House

of Parliament to declare its want of confi. dence in the Administration, and in case of necessity to compel the Crown to change it, by withholding the necessary supplies. But it would enable the Queen to do that which the Constitution of the Realm declares to be A considerable proportion of those whom her undoubted prerogative-viz., to select the Queen might thus select would probably her own ministers-more effectually than at be in Parliament already: a certain propor- present: it would put it out of the power of tion also, would not really need to be in any single capricious or sinister constituency Parliament at all. "Given, a good official to annul the appointment of the Crown: man or secretary, he ought, as far as it is and it would no longer confine Her Majesty's possible, to be left working in the silent choice within the narrow circle of those who state. No mortal can both work, and do are wealthy enough to adventure on a Pargood talking in Parliament, or out of it: the liamentary career, ambitious enough to rush

voluntarily into the popular arena, richments were virtually abolished. Much inenough to buy a close borough, or hardy dignation was excited about the state of the enough to contest an open one. It would prisons; and prison inspectors were appointcarry out the intention of our fundamental ed. The system of transportation was ve statutes, and make this part of our boasted hemently denounced; and the Government constitution a reality and not a sham. proclaimed their determination to abandon But something more than this would be it. Benevolent people declared that crimirequired. It can have escaped the attention nals should be regarded rather as unfortunate of none who have long watched the manage- men who had been misled, and ought to be ment of public affairs in this country, that pitied and reformed, than as public enemies much mischief arises, and much more is per- and dangers against which the nation had to mitted to continue, in consequence of the be protected; and, accordingly, the Governentire absorption of the time and strength ment have done their best to pet prisoners of all our ministers with the daily and indis- and "make them comfortable." Thus, the pensable business of their several depart- whole matter has got into an inextricable ments. Their whole energy is barely ade- mess. We may not hang malefactors; we quate to do what must be done, and to meet may not transport them; we may not even what must be met. Sufficient, and more punish them with due severity at home. than sufficient, to each day is the evil and We may not make prisons the effective pethe labour thereof. They are obliged to nitentiaries they ought to be, because the postpone, and put aside everything that is country would not bear the cost of its own not urgent and clamorous for attention. maudlin tenderness for guilt, or because, at They are wholly without the leisure either least, ministers think so, and, therefore, dare of time or mind, to take a deliberate and not apply to Parliament for the necessary comprehensive survey of the several changes funds. Public and magisterial feeling shrinks or amendments which the public service from condemning infant criminals to the needs, but does not demand. They cannot hardening and corrupting influence of adult dive deeply into the maladies of the nation, gaols; yet, nothing is done to provide or the tendencies of the times. Not only juvenile and reformatory ones, because the can they not calmly and profoundly study public has not demanded them, and we have what is for the public good, but they have no statesman to forestall what is not descarcely even time carefully to examine the manded. And we have thousands of our wisest schemes, and the most beneficial pro- youthful population annually educated into posals which are made to them. Thus all crime as a most lucrative profession; yet we the rich suggestions with which official expe- do not boldly stop this fertile source of suf rience and insight must be laden, are profit-fering and perplexity, by taking them at less, or nearly so, to them and to their coun- once out of the hands of their educators, try. They wait to propose what is needful, because we are not yet prepared to interfere and to grapple with what is intolerable, till with "the liberty of the subject," or to resthe nation discovers what their greater op- cue children from parents who are training portunities must have made known to them them for hell! The whole awful question for years, and becomes so clamorous on the --so momentous when looked at both from subject, as to render it the most important the moral and the political point of viewand pressing matter of the day. Then, and is suffered to drift on, waiting till it shall not till then, it is attended to. And then, "resolve itself," because our ministers being taken up under the influence of "pres- have neither strength, genius, nor leisure, sure from without," it is too commonly dealt for the discharge of real statesmanlike func with ignorantly, hastily, and clumsily. In- tions, and because we have not yet gathered stances might be specified without number: to the service of the country the men qualiwe will confine ourselves to one. For many fied to supply their deficiencies. years our entire system of dealing with the A very simple remedy might be found by criminal population has been in a position allowing to each of the chief officers of State fitted to engage the most anxious attention a sort of unofficial council in the backof any wise and far-seeing statesman. Crime ground, to assist and advise him in matters has been increasing, and the means of direct- relating to his special department, the ly dealing with it have been diminishing. members of which, three or four in number, One or other branch of the subject has ex- he would be at liberty to choose from any cited in its turn a partial and passing public quarter and any class, and to remunerate in interest, and something has been done, but such a manner as to enable him to command done carelessly, unsystematically, and em- the fittest minds the country could afford. pirically. An outcry was raised against Their functions should be to examine into capital punishments; and capital punish-the wants of the nation with a profoundness,

ble.

account;

and to deliberate on remedial measures with great value and magnitude, which time and a care, which the routine and heavy duties thought only were wanting to render practicaof their chief make impossible for him; to "He would find them-not certainly by shutconsider suggestions; to prepare plans; to ting himself up in his closet, and inventing what regard permanent ameliorations rather than had not been thought of before-but by holding temporary expedients; and generally to be himself on the alert; by listening with all his to their principal a secret and reliable supply ears (and he should have many ears abroad in of that Statesmanship, which is eminently the world) for the suggestions of circumstances; needed, but which a life of incessant activity by catching the first moment of public complaint and antagonism effectually forbids. The against real evil, encouraging it, and turning it to Such means and projects will country, duly searched, could furnish num- suggest themselves in abundance to one who bers of men, admirably fitted for such func- meditates the good of mankind, sagacious of his tions, men aloof from and above the strife quarry from afar,'-but not to a minister whose and turmoil of party; thoroughly acquaint- whole soul is and must be in the notices of moed with the temper of the nation as well as tions, and in the order-book of the House of with its wants; with minds inured to labour, him to other enterprise, no closet or office-statesCommons, and who has no one behind to prompt trained to political and historical investigaman for him to fall back upon as upon an inner tions and enriched by the studies of ancient mind. and modern wisdom; enlarged, sober, and "This then is the great evil and want-that philosophic; and bringing to their task an there is not within the pale of our Government independence of feeling, a comprehensive- any adequately numerous body of efficient statesness of view, and a passionless serenity of men, some to be externally active and answer judgment, which those engaged in the rough the demands of the day, others to be somewhat warfare of the political arena can never attain.

more retired and meditative, in order that they may take thought for the morrow. How great the evil of this want is, it may require peculiar opportunities of observation fully to understand and feel; but one who with competent knowledge, should consider well the number and magnitude of those measures which are postponed

We are glad to be able to confirm our views by those of a writer long engaged in official life himself, and accustomed to look beyond the claims and interests of the pass-for years or totally pretermitted, not for want ing hour. Mr. Taylor says:—

of practicability, but for want of time and "Further, it is one business to do what must thought; one who should proceed with such be done, another to devise and do what_ought knowledge to consider the great means and apto be done. It is in the spirit of the British pliances of wisdom which lie scattered through this government as hitherto existing, to transact intellectual country,-squandered upon individual only the former business; and the reform which purposes, not for want of applicability to na it requires is to enlarge that spirit so as to in- tional ones, but for want of being brought toclude the latter. Of and from among those gether and directed; one who, surveying these measures which are forced upon him, to choose things with a heart capable of a people's joys that which will bring him the most credit with and sorrows, their happy virtue or miserable guilt the least trouble, has hitherto been the sole care on these things dependent, should duly estimate of a statesman in office;-and as a statesman's the abundant means unemployed and the exalted official establishment has been heretofore consti- aims unaccomplished, could not choose, I tuted, it is care enough for any man. Every day, think, but say that there must be something every hour, has its exigencies, its immediate demands; and he who has hardly time to eat his meals, cannot be expected to occupy himself in devising good for mankind.

fatally amiss in the very idea of statesmanship on which our administration is based, or that there must be some mortal apathy at what should be the very centre and seat of life in a country.

"I am aware that under popular institutions, there are many measures of exceeding advan- "Yet such is the prevalent insensibility to tage to the people, which it would be in vain that which constitutes the real treasures and for the minister to project until the people, or resources of the country-its serviceable and an influential portion of them, should become statesmanlike minds-and so far are men in apprized of the advantage, and should ask for power from searching the country through for it; many which can be carried only by over-such minds, or men in Parliament from promotcoming resistance; much resistance only to be ing or permitting the search, that I hardly overcome with the support of popular opinion know if that minister has existed in the present and general solicitude for the object. And, generation, who, if such a mind were casually looking no further, it might seem that what is presented to him, would not forego the use of it, not immediately called for by the public voice rather than hazard a debate in the House of was not within the sphere of practical dealing. Commons upon an additional item in his esBut I am also aware, that in the incalculable timates! Yet till the government of this counextent and multifarious nature of the public in- try shall become a nucleus at which the best terests which lie open to the operations of a wisdom in the country contained shall be statesman in this country, one whose faculties perpetually forming itself in deposit, it will should be adequate would find in every month be, except as regards the shuffling of power he should devote to the search, measures of from hand to hand and class to class, lit

す

tle better than a government of fetches, shifts, merits, we have read the book with much and hand-to-mouth expedients."-The States-disapproval and with sincere pain. It is man, p. 156. not only deeply tinged, but is altogether When the Government has been thus em- coloured and pervaded by Mr. Roebuck's powered to call to its aid all the administra- besetting sin-a disposition to think ill and tive and statesmanlike capacity of the coun- to speak harshly of every one around him. try, it will be for the country to see that this This tendency, whether arising from infirmicapacity is so summoned to the rescue; that ty of temper or distorted vision, has greatly no official indolence or jealousy, no aristo-impaired his usefulness in public life, and cratic propossessions, no shallow or short- will equally detract from his merits as an sighted economy, shall prevent its being so historian. Ever ready to put the worst consummoned. Thenceforth it will be the na-struction upon ambiguous conduct; to speak tion's fault, if the nation be ill-governed, or with sarcastic doubt of every reported ingoverned by its narrower and scantier minds. stance of purity and generosity; of all posThenceforth we may hope to see the dawn- sible motives which could have influenced ing of a new legislative and administrative public men in a given course of action to asera for our country. Of one thing we may sign the lowest as most probably the true feel quite secure that if all the superior one; unable apparently to believe in the exfloating political genius of the country be not istence of lofty and conscientious patriotism arrayed in the service of Government, it among statesmen, or conceiving himself to will assuredly be arrayed against it; if it have the entire monopoly of this virtue,be not obtained as a coadjutor and ally, it he is about the most unpleasant companion will make itself felt as an obstructor and an- in a historical journey that can be imagined. tagonist; if it be not allowed to strengthen No man with any respect for himself or any the hands, to support the course, to prepare tenderness for his fellow-men, likes to walk the measures of Government, it will take the through the market-place, arm-in-arm, with initiative and drag the Government ignomini- Diogenes and his lantern. The whole book ously in its train. This cannot be done with- is one continuous snarl, sarcasm, and sneer, out damage and without risk; it is a danger- delivered with the gravity and sternness of ous thing for a nation to feel itself abler and an ermined judge. It is a philippic deliverwiser than its rulers; reverence is impaired, ed from the bench. In the guise of an elaobedience is undermined; the character of borate history it is, in fact, a party pamphlet public men sinks and suffers; the language directed against the Whigs. Its object of public warfare becomes more bitter, more seems to be to shew-the opinion of the contemptuous, and more unmeasured; the writer certainly is that the great Reform national strength is diminished, and the na- Bill brought forward by Lord Grey was a tional influence weakened, because the peo- mere hasty and improvised party move; ple grudge great means to men in whom that a real regard either for the people or they do not feel full confidence. There are the welfare of the country had no share many indications that we are at present whatever in inducing its proposal; that it tending towards such a state of things; per- was decided upon, concocted, and arranged haps the voice of warning may be heard in with no purpose or idea but that of transfertime. ring the reins of Government from the Tory The work by Mr. Roebuck which we have to the Whig aristocracy; that all its details placed at the head of this Article, will not were planned for this end; and that none materially alter the estimate which the pub- were more alarmed than the proposers of lic has already formed of his abilities or of the measure, when they saw the earnesthis character. It has evidently been com-ness of the great body of the nation in the posed with great care and diligence, and ap-matter. parently with a sincere desire to give a faithful account of a most important era in our "The Whigs have ever been an exclusive and national history. The style, indeed, is aristocratic faction, though at times employing rough and uncouth, and rather that of a of offence against their opponents. It is the democratic principles and phrases as weapons ready speaker than of a practised writer, fashion of the writers who advocate their cause but it is almost always clear. The charac- and eulogize their party, to describe them as reters which he draws of the principal actors presenting the principle of advance and change, of the time, appear to be the parts of the in the hope of improvement, which must be book on which he has bestowed most thought ever acting with a people who are themselves and pains; they are skilful, discriminat- continually improving; but this assumption is ing, and generally, we think, correct, those the phrases of liberality upon compulsion. They not justified by experience. The Whigs employ of Mr. O'Connell and Sir Robert Peel are liberal, because they need some means of especially so. Yet notwithstanding these exciting the nation. When out of office, they