OUR DEBT TO LAFAYETTE.

OUR SUBJECT, in itself, is so far from being a novel one, that the very name of it must seem to imply old facts, old thoughts, so old, indeed, as to be generally let alone. We might put in a plea that, old as they are, they do not deserve to be regarded as superannuated; that the generous enterprise, the romantic devotion with which they are intermingled and inspired, are enough to keep them young; that the recollection of benefits, whether national or individual, is one of those things which we cannot put aside as uninteresting, without confessing ourselves ungrateful; in short, there is no want of reasons for recurring to the incidents and the sentiments which the subject at once suggests.

But there is a stronger motive than any as yet mentioned for recalling the familiar story. It is not, familiar as it seems, more than superficially known. The details are in a thousand volumes; but their relations amongst themselves, or those which they sustain to the history of our nation, are not generally regarded as they might and as they should be. We may not be able to repair the deficiency; but the experiment is worth trying.

What was France at the time of the Declaration of Independence, that she should sympathize, much more ally herself with the infant nation? There was her monarchy, a system of government to which every principle of republicanism was abhorrent. There were her dominant classes, the clergy and the nobility, without a shadow of favour for movements so mischicvous and so impious, they would say, as those then separating the colony from the mother country, the subjects from the rulers. The people of France might have entered into the cause of the United States but for one obstacle-that there was no people, worthy to be called such, in all the wide realms of the French name. Men there were, and women, and children, a race of inferior circumstance and inferior character ; indeed, so inferior as to render the great mass of Frenchmen helpless. degraded, ruined. What was the American Revolution to them? They had never heard of it. If they had, they

would have possessed no influence in its behalf, they would have had no effect in inducing the Government to come to its aid. Indeed, it may be doubted if any class or any power in France would have thought of countenancing the rebellious colonies of England but for two circumstances.

One was the ancient animosity between France and England. Let us give it its full weight, for it was of the gravest importance. It prompted all France,-government, clergy, nobility, and those of the people who thought about the mat ter, to do what was possible toward depriving England of a dominion that constituted, as Lafayette said, "more than half, and that the better half, of the British territory." Give this feeling its full force: how full a force it had, is universally known.

But the other circumstance remains. All the animosity of France against Great Britain might, we do not say would, but might, not have persuaded her to commit herself to the support of the struggling colonies. Two State papers, of the early part of 1776, the one from the Count de Vergennes, and the other from Turgot, show the Government to have had no spark of sympathy for the Americans; this minister regards their exhaustion, that one their subjection, as an issue to be looked and wished for, and both unite in considering the whole contest as a civil war of eminent service to France, especially if it were let alone, and allowed to rock the British dominions to their centre. We repeat it, there is no sign that France would have committed herself, but for the example set and the enthusiasm inspired by an individual. Lafayette, as a member of the great French nobility, had an influence which no one in any other rank could have exerted. In the first place, whatever he did, was sure to be known. Moving in such a sphere, every act, whether the star of good or of bad omen, the light that filled the zenith or that merely flashed in the horizon, was witnessed of men, of the high and of the low. In the next place, a cause espoused by such a man was respected if for nothing more than the fact that he had espoused it. When, in addition, it was a cause which he could not support without grave risks and seri ous sacrifices, the lightest hearted could not but stay to ask about it, and what was at first mere curiosity, became interest,

appreciation, sometimes devotedness. So that when a man in Lafayette's position determined to go to the aid of the struggle beyond the sea, it was a determination sure to involve others. besides himself; it might be more, it might be less, it might be a handful of friends, it might be a whole nation.

We propose to dwell for some moments upon this resolution of Lafayette, and upon the manner in which it was carried out. Herein the most important part of our narrative, the starting point of the French alliance with our country, is to be found.

Lafayette was eighteen years old, a dashing young officer of the French army, in garrison at Metz. Day followed day in the ordinary routine of military duty and festivity, officers and men alike living for the present and for themselves. Much of the indolent dissipation into which his comrades generally sank, was avoided by Lafayette, whose heart was bound up in a young wife; he was a man of affections and of aspirations too generous to be absorbed in the occupations of a garrison. One Summer's day, in 1776, he was asked to a dinner given by his commanding officer to the Duke of Gloucester, George the Third's brother, then passing through the town. Lafayette accepted the invitation, carelessly enough, we dare say, carelessly, certainly, in comparison with the immensity of issues involved in it to him and to others. Before that dinner was over, he had heard the story of the United States, just then declaring their independence, and had resolved to go to their assistance.

As soon as he could get away, he left Metz for Paris. He was yearning for sympathy with the purpose which he had conceived. Fancy his wife, a young girl-for she was nothing more-hearing his passionate expressions of devotion to a cause of which she had never heard; one that would take him away from her, perhaps forever; one that would unquestionably demand large expenses and considerable privations; fancy the interview between them, and give her the reverence which she deserves for having encouraged him. Brave hearts! which of the two was braver, his or hers? Of his friends, two, both young men, were so won over by his earnestness as to promise to join him; but they were prevented from doing so by their parents. Another friend, an older man, argued, dissuaded, de

nounced, did everything in short that he could to divert Lafay ette from the enterprise, saying that he could not be accessory to his "ruin." Yet that same person was so touched by the enthusiasm of the young hero, as to suggest the way of getting at the American Commissioner, Silas Deane.

They met. Deane was a narrow-minded personage, a native of Connecticut, and a member of Congress in 1774, more recently sent to France, and afterwards recalled on account of ill-judged, not to say underhand dealings there. Was this Lafayette may have asked, a type of the American, of the nation of heroes? It must have been no slight damper to his enthusi asm, to talk with the formal and selfish Commissioner, whose broken French would of itself have prevented any genial intercourse, even had he been generous and graceful, which he was not. They who ascribe Lafayette's conduct to mere caprice, to the enthusiasm of the moment, may remember, if they will, the interview with Deane, and believe that the enthusiasm of the Frenchman was enduring, his caprice a principle.

They will believe this the more, if they follow him through the ensuing weeks. Unable to meet Deane (no great loss, indeed!) for fear of the Government-still more unable, of course, to take any open steps towards preparing for departure, or towards departing, Lafayette had to do everything in a secrecy the most trying to his temperament, in fact to any temperament whose possessor is engaged in self-sacrificing labours. Think how every one longs to be talking of what most interests him, especially if it seems to need sympathy and coöperation; think, too, of that French nature, alive to distinction, thirsting for the glory then in prospect, a glory so pure and so deserved; and the necessity of silence will be seen to have been no trifling trial.

Trial succeeded trial, and the severest of all remained. La fayette had to brave and to escape his own Government. To escape it was little; there was risk to run, but there was spirit, excitement, about every step. The braving it, for a man of Lafayette's loyalty, was a hard thing to do. How he did both, how he defied and eluded the authorities, we leave to himself to tell in a fragment of autobiography. We will go back a little for the beginning.

"As soon as I heard of this controversy," says Lafayette. "my heart enlisted, and I resolved on joining my standard. Circumstances, which I need not dwell upon, warned me of the obstacles which my family would interpose, and I kept my counsel, taking for my motto the words Cur Non, to be at once my encouragement and my argument. Silas Deane was at Paris, but the Government would not see him. Through his agency, some old arms and some young officers were secretly despatched; but on the English ambassador's remonstrances to our Court, it abjured all connection with the matter, ordered what had been shipped to be landed, and expelled the American privateers from our harbours. In presenting myself to Mr. Deane, as a youth hardly nineteen years old, I spoke more of my zeal than of my experience, but I explained to him the effect that my departure might have (je lui fis valoir le petit éclat de mon départ), and he signed the agreement with me. The secrecy of this negotiation and of my preparations was truly wonderful. Family, friends, ministers, French spies, English spies, all were blinded.

"We were busy with getting a vessel ready, when bad news arrived. New York, Long Island, White Plains, the Hudson forts, and New Jersey, had beheld the successive defeats of the American forces by thirty-three thousand English or Germans. Three thousand men alone remained in arms, and General Howe was pursuing them. From this instant the credit of the insurgents sank; the despatch of a vessel was impossible; the very envoys from America thought it their duty to express their discouragement and to divert me from my project. went to Mr. Deane, and thanking him for his frankness, said, 'Hitherto, sir, you have witnessed mere zeal on my part-now it may be of some service. I shall buy a ship, it will take your officers; we must be of good cheer; I like best to share your fortunes in time of danger.'"

I

We pass over the journey to England; the dance at the house of Lord George Germain, Secretary for the Colonies; the meeting at banquet and opera with British officers, whom he was to meet in rougher scenes afterwards; the manly refusal to visit a naval armament, lest he should learn what, in his position, he had no right to learn; the adroit return to Paris;