Carthagena, bearing on one side the head of Vernon with an inscription as "The Avenger of his Country." It was not until March 30th that it was determined at a Council of War to land soldiers, artillery and stores at a place called La Quinta, in the inner harbor and on the land side of Carthagena. The object of this move was to cut off all communication between the town and the country back of it, and to lay siege to Castle Grande and Fort San Lazaro, of which the former commanded the mouth of the harbor, and the latter, situated upon a hill, commanded the town. It was expected that the Admiral would co-operate with the land forces by sending some of the largest ships to batter the town. Castle Grande was evacuated by the Spaniards without an attempt at defence. On April 5th a landing was made for the purpose of attacking La Quinta. Brigadier Blakeney advanced with the first division of 1400 men, besides 200 Americans who acted as pioneers. These latter were detached to deploy through some woods and dislodge any small parties that might be concealed in ambush. Meanwhile the grenadiers advanced through a narrow defile, and it is interesting to note that their mode of attack was precisely what is now used in street firing, or where troops are employed against mobs. The formation being in column of platoons, the first platoon fired, and immediately wheeling right and left uncovered the second platoon which advanced to the front and fired, repeating the manoeuvre, and so on throughout the column. The Spanish outposts fled toward the city, but it was not deemed prudent to pursue them. The next day a party of Americans and West Indian negroes were set to work to clear the ground for an encampment. And on the 7th it was determined, under the advice of the engineer officers, to construct a battery from which to attack Fort San Lazaro. This plan Admiral Vernon regarded with contempt, and sent evasive answers to a request from the General that the fort should be bombarded by one of the large ships which were lying inactive. Meanwhile the Spaniards were busy strengthening the defenses of the fort, and the rainy season having set in, sickness wrought great havoc among the unacclimated assailants, who dropped down so fast that there were scarce sufficient men on duty to maintain the proper guards of the camp, much less to fell wood and construct a battery. At last General Wentworth, urged on it is said by Admiral Vernon who taunted him with delay, determined to attempt to carry the fort by assault. This attack was made before dawn on the morning of April 8th. The division which was ordered to attack on the right was, either through the mistake or treachery of the guide, led to the centre where the ascent was much more difficult and the troops exposed to a murderous fire. The scaling ladders which had been provided were found too short to be of service at this point, and the Americans who were carrying them threw them down, and snatching up firelocks which had dropped from the hands of grenadiers who had fallen in the attack, mingled with the British troops and fought with bravery. But in spite of gallant fighting, and the sacrifice of many lives, the assault was found impracticable and the General reluctantly ordered a retreat. During a cessation of arms which was agreed upon, the dead were buried, and the sick and wounded were placed on transports and vessels used as hospital ships. Acrimonious messages passed between the two chiefs, the Admiral accusing the General of dilatoriness, and the General demanding of the Admiral support from the fleet, which was not afforded, until finally, at a Council of War held on the flag ship on April 14th, it was agreed to abandon the siege. The Admiral had contended that there was not depth of water in the harbor for the large ships; but the evidence was plain even then that there was water sufficient for the draught of the largest ships even close up to the walls of the town. The fortifications that had been captured were demolished, and on April 16, 1741, all troops having been embarked, the fleet set sail for Jamaica, and it is worth noting that the last tents to be struck were five belonging to the American troops. Thus ended in loss, failure and ignominy, the attack upon Carthagena, undertaken with an armament estimated to have been sufficient, if its efficiency had not been destroyed by dissensions between the commanders, to have reduced the entire West Indies under the dominion of Great Britain. The suffering and loss of life from sickness were appalling. Hundreds fell before the guns of the Spaniards, but thousands perished from disease. General Wentworth declared that his effective force was reduced in two days from 6600 men to 3200; and the account of the horrors of the hospital ships, as given by Smollett who was an eye witness, is awful in its ghastly details. He tells of the tropical heat; of the sick, wounded and dying cooped between decks where the headway was so low that even sitting upright was impossible; of the utter lack of surgical attendance, nursing and proper food; of filth and misery and despair; of the dead unburied, flung unweighted into the sea, there to float on the surface of the water within view of the dying, a prey to sharks and vultures. His description of the so-called hospital ships closes with these words: "This picture cannot fail to be shocking to the humane reader, especially when he is informed that while those miserable objects cried in vain for assistance and actually perished from want of proper attendance, every ship of war in the fleet could have spared a couple of surgeons for their relief, and many young gentlemen of that profession solicited their captains in vain for leave to go and administer help to the sick and wounded. The necessities of the poor people were well known; the remedy was easy and apparent, but the discord between the chiefs was inflamed to such a degree of diabolical rancor that the one chose rather to see his men perish than ask help of the other, who disdained to offer assistance unasked, though it might have saved the lives of his fellow subjects." Smollett describes the malady from which the troops and sailors suffered and perished in such numbers as "a bilious fever attended with such a putrefaction of the juices, that the color of the skin, which at first is yellow, adopts a sooty hue in the progress of the disease, and the patient generally dies about the third day." These symptoms have been pronounced by medical men to be those of yellow fever. Of the number of the Maryland troops who survived to return to their homes no record has been found. Of the New England troops who served in the West Indian campaign of the ensuing year, it is said that but one out of ten survived the terrible effects of the climate. It has already been remarked that the expedition against Carthagena was the first occasion upon which American troops were called upon by the British Government to serve outside the North American Continent. It was England's first call upon her Colonies as a part of what is now termed the British Empire. In 1878, less than thirty years ago, during the Turco-Russian War, Lord Beaconsfield made the somewhat dramatic stroke of moving an Indian Regiment from Hindostan into garrison at the Island of Malta. It was a hint to Russia that where British interests were concerned, there was an Asiatic as well as a European power to be reckoned with. Ten years ago, in 1897, upon the occasion of the celebration of the Queen's Jubilee in London, the sixtieth anniversary of the coronation of Queen Victoria, the pageant was swelled by the presence of troops or constabulary from Canada, from India, from Australia and from South Africa; an object lesson to the world of the wide-spread dominion of the British Crown. And later still, in the war in South Africa against the Boers, both Canadian and Australian troops were engaged in active service on the field of battle. In the service of American troops in a war against Spain more than one hundred and sixty years ago, may perhaps be recognized the first step toward the development of an imperial policy, a development which was arrested and delayed for fully a century by the successful revolt and independence achieved by the American Colonies,—a revolt and independence which taught to English statesmen this great lesson in statecraft :-If the integrity of the Empire as a body were to be preserved, it would not be by cramping the members, but by allowing to each the largest measure of liberty and of autonomy. WM. CLAIBORNE AND KENT ISLAND. [FROM ADMIRALTY COURT LIBELS AND OTHER DOCUMENTS IN THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON.] William Claiborne sailed on or about 24th May, 1631, and arrived at Kecoughton in Virginia on the 20th July, 1631, in the ship Affrica. The partners in the venture were William Cloberry who held 2% John Delabarr Simon Sturgis William Claiborne (6 Maurice Thompson, John Delabarr and Simon Sturgis sold out, and in 1637 the partners were The cargo sent out in the Affrica was valued at £1318.19.8. There were 20 men-servants sent in the same ship. The other expenses, freight, wages, etc. amounted to £700.12.4. Afterwards Cloberry and Company sent in the Defence, of London, goods etc. amounting to £170.15.1; and again in the ship James, of London, goods valued at £1136.3.8, and 60 menservants; and in the Revenge, goods valued at £311.6.0, and 7 men-servants. When Evelyn went out, Cloberry and Company sent to him in the John and Barbara, and the Sara and Elizabeth, goods valued at £2000, and 18 men-servants. |