While these things were passing in Holland, James had at length become sensible of his danger. Intelligence which could not be disregarded came pouring in from various quarters. At length a dispatch from Albeville removed all doubts. It is said that, when the king had read it, the blood left his cheeks, and he remained some time speechless.* He might, indeed, well be appalled. The first easterly wind would bring a hostile armament to the shores of his realm. All Europe, one single power alone excepted, was impatiently waiting for the news of his downfall. The help of that single power he had madly rejected. Nay, he had requited with insult the friendly intervention which might have saved him. The French armies which, but for his own folly, might have been employed in overawing the States-General, were besieging Philipsburg or garrisoning Mentz. In a few days he might have to fight, on English ground, for his crown and for the birthright of his infant son. His means were indeed in appearance great. The navy was in a much more efficient state than at the time of his accession; and the improvement is partly to be attributed to his own exertions. He had appointed no lord high admiral or board of Admiralty, but had kept the chief direction of maritime affairs in his own hands, and had been strenuously assisted by Pepys. It is a proverb that the eye of a master is more to be trusted than that of a deputy; and, in an age of corruption and peculation, a department on which a sovereign, even of very slender capacity, bestows close personal attention is likely to be comparatively free from abuses. It would have been easy to find an abler minister of marine than James, but it would not have been easy to find, among the public men of that age, any minister of marine, except James, who would not have embezzled stores, taken bribes from contractors, and charged the crown with the cost of repairs which had never been made. The king was, in truth, almost the only person who could be trusted not to rob the king. There had, Eachard's History of the Revolution, ii., 2. therefore, been, during the last three years, much less waste and pilfering in the dock-yards than formerly. Ships had been built which were fit to go to sea. An excellent order had been issued increasing the allowances of captains, and, at the same time, strictly forbidding them to carry merchandise from port to port without the royal permission. The effect of these reforms was already perceptible; and James found no difficulty in fitting out, at short notice, a considerable fleet. Thirty ships of the line, all third rates and fourth rates, were collected in the Thames, under the command of Lord Dartmouth. The loyalty of Dartmouth was above suspicion; and he was thought to have as much professional skill and knowledge as any of the patrician sailors who, in that age, rose to the highest naval commands without a regular naval training, and who were at once flag officers on the sea and colonels of infantry on shore.* The regular army was the largest that any king of England had ever commanded, and was rapidly augmented. New companies were incorporated with the existing regi ments. Commissions for the raising of fresh regiments were issued. Four thousand men were added to the English establishment. Three thousand were sent for with all speed from Ireland. As many more were ordered to march southward from Scotland. James estimated the force with which he should be able to meet the invaders at forty thousand troops, exclusive of the militia.† The navy and army were therefore far more than sufficient to repel a Dutch invasion. But could the navy, could the army be trusted? Would not the train-bands flock by thousands to the standard of the deliverer? The party which had, a few years before, drawn the sword for Monmouth, would undoubtedly be eager to welcome the * Pepys's Memoirs relating to the Royal Navy, 1690; Clarke's Life of James Sept. 24 the Second, ii., 186, Orig. Mem.; Adda, ; Citters, Oct. 4 Sept. 21 + Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii., 186, Orig. Mem.; Adda, Sept. 24 Oct. 4 Citters, Sept. 21 Prince of Orange. And what had become of the party which had, during seven-and-forty years, been the bul wark of monarchy ? Where were now those gallant gentlemen who had ever been ready to shed their blood for the crown? Outraged and insulted, driven from the bench of justice, and deprived of all military command, they saw the peril of their ungrateful sovereign with undisguised delight. Where were those priests and prelates who had, from ten thousand pulpits, proclaimed the duty of obeying the anointed delegate of God? Some of them had been imprisoned; some had been plundered; all had been placed under the iron rule of the High Commission, and had been in hourly fear lest some new freak of tyranny should deprive them of their freeholds and leave them without a morsel of bread. That Churchmen would even now so completely forget the doctrine which had been their peculiar boast as to join in active resistance seemed incredible. But could their oppressor expect to find among them the spirit which in the preceding generation had triumphed over the armies of Essex and Waller, and had yielded only after a desperate struggle to the genius and vigor of Cromwell? The tyrant was overcome by fear. He ceased to repeat that concession had always ruined princes, and sullenly owned that he must stoop to court the Tories once more.* There is reason to believe that Halifax was, at this time, invited to return to office, and that he was not unwilling to do so. The part of mediator between the throne and the nation was of all parts that for which he was best qualified and of which he was most ambitious. How the negotiation with him was broken off is not known; but it is not improbable that the question of the dispensing power was the insurmountable difficulty. His hostility to that power had caused his disgrace three years before; and nothing that had since happened had been of a nature to change his views. James, on the other hand, was fully determ * Adda, Sept. 28 1688. This dispatch describes strongly James's dread of a universal defection of his subjects. ined to make no concession on that point. As to other matters he was less pertinacious. He put forth a proclamation, in which he solemnly promised to protect the Church of England and to maintain the Act of Uniformity. He declared himself willing to make great sacrifices for the sake of concord. He would no longer insist that Roman Catholics should be admitted into the House of Commons; and he trusted that his people would justly appreciate such a proof of his disposition to meet their wishes. Three days later he notified his intention to replace all the magistrates and deputy lieutenants who had been dismissed for refusing to support his policy. On the day after the appearance of this notification, Compton's suspension was taken off.† man. At the same time, the king gave an audience to all the bishops who were then in London. They had requested admittance to his presence for the purpose of tendering their counsel in this emergency. The primate was spokesHe respectfully asked that the administration might be put into the hands of persons duly qualified; that all acts done under pretense of the dispensing power might be revoked; that the Ecclesiastical Commission might be annulled; that the wrongs of Magdalene College might be redressed, and that the old franchises of the municipal corporations might be restored. very intelligibly that there was one most desirable event which would completely secure the throne and quiet the distracted realm. If his majesty would reconsider the points in dispute between the Churches of Rome and England, perhaps, by the Divine blessing on the arguments which the bishops wished to lay before him, he might be convinced that it was his duty to return to the religion of his father and of his grandfather. Thus far, Sancroft said, he had spoken the sense of his brethren. There He hinted * All the light which we have respecting this negotiation is derived from Reresby. His informant was a lady whom he does not name, and who certainly was not to be implicitly trusted. † London Gazette, Sept. 24, 27, Oct. 1, 1688. remained a subject on which he had not taken counsel with them, but to which he thought it his duty to advert. He was, indeed, the only man of his profession who could. advert to that subject without being suspected of an interested motive. The metropolitan see of York had been three years vacant. The archbishop implored the king to fill it speedily with a pious and learned divine, and added that such a divine might without difficulty be found among those who then stood in the royal presence. The king commanded himself sufficiently to return thanks for this unpalatable counsel, and promised to consider what had been said.* Of the dispensing power he would not yield one tittle. No unqualified person was removed from any civil or military office. But some of Sancroft's suggestions were adopted. Within forty-eight hours the Court of High Commission was abolished. It was determined that the charter of the city of London, which had been forfeited six years before, should be restored; and the chancellor was sent in state to carry back the venerable parchment to Guildhall.‡ A week later the public was informed that the Bishop of Winchester, who was by virtue of his office visitor of Magdalene College, had it in charge from the king to correct whatever was amiss in that society. It was not without a long struggle and a bitter pang that James stooped to this humiliation. Indeed, he did not yield till the Vicar Apostolic Leyburn, who seems to have behaved on all occasions like a wise and honest man, declared that in his judgment the ejected president and fellows had been wronged, and that, on religious as well as on political grounds, restitution ought to be made to them.§ In a few days appeared a procla*Tanner MSS.; Burnet, i., 784. Burnet has, I think, confounded this audience with an audience which took place a few weeks later. London Gazette, Oct. 8, 1688. Ibid. London Gazette, Oct. 15, 1688; Adda, Oct. 13. The nuncio, though generally an enemy to violent courses, seems to have opposed the restoration of Hough, probably from regard for the interests of Giffard and the other Roman Catholics who were quartered in Magdalene College. Leyburn declared himself "nel sentimento che fosse stato uno spoglio, e che il possesso |