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But the Roman matrons and Roman maidens were too fully of the same opinion themselves, to be angry with the censor for expressing it. Those who had tried the marriage vows knew well the misery of the heartless union. And those who had not, were sufficiently unwilling to submit to a tyranny which no love could make endurable, and from which all love would be banished. It had been the unfortunate result of Roman policy to make marriage as unpopular with the women as with the men.

On this matter it was in vain even for Augustus to make new enactments. His subjects would not marry: “ Both the men and women preferred the loose terms of union on which they had consented to cohabit, to the harsh provisions of antiquity." He made positive laws, declarei penalties, offered rewards, sug poems in honour of nuptial altars, and did what an emperor could do to make celibacy disgraceful; but it was of no avail. It was necessary that marriage in Rome should have some different meaning than that existing, before either men

or women would willingly undergo its hardships.

The domestic ties and immediate family history of the Emperor himself will declare to us, with sufficient plainess, what was the method of

marriage in Rome, and to what extent the wishes of the women were consulted. It seems that the young Octavius, when quite a boy, had been betrothed, we may presume in accordance with the wishes of his uncle Julius; but this union he had himself repudiated after Cesar's death, and had married a Clodia. Clodia he had divorced at the age of twentythree, in resentment, we are told, at the pertiily of her family, and immediately married one Scribonia. By his second wife he had his only legitimate chill, Julia,--that Julia of whom Roman history tells us so many scandals. Seribonia, however, did not please him long; and she again was divorcel--not, as it would seem, for any political reason, but because he had seen with a friend of his a charming woman whom he preferred. This charmer was the graceful and astute Livia. It is true that she was married, and married to a friend of his own; but could an Emperor's friend do less than abandon his wife to his master ? Livia, therefore, was divorced from her first husband, and carried to the house of Augustus. Here she became in a month or two the mother of her first husband's younger son. These were the wives of Augustus, and thus were they procured. Livia outlived him, and outlived also his natural heirs, many of whom she was accused of destroying, so that the empire might descend to the children of her first husband. Whether she was a murderess or not will never probably now be decided. Her hopes at any rate were realized by the accession of Tiberius to the throne.

Augustus, however, was most anxious to be succeeded by children of his own child. The youthful Julia was therefore married to the young Marcellus, the son of Octavia, and the nephew of the Emperor; and to this marriage there was no objection, but that, never felt by Romans, of near relationship. Our author tells us that Augustus, in fixing on Marcellus for his daughter, had found a suitable “

party" The French word was probably ringing in Mr. Meri. vale's car. 'In England a single person is denominated a party only by one class, to which we imagine Mr. Merivale has never belonged. We may suppose that Julia liked her party ; but, alas! she was not destined to enjoy long her married happiness. Her young husband died, or was murdered, and Julia was left a widow at seventeen.

Agrippa had been one of the earliest friends of the Emperor. They had been in Greece together as boys. They had returned together to Italy, when it became necessary to put off boyish things. Together they had fought their battles and got rid of their common enemies. They were of the same age ; and though neither the circumstance of birth or fortune gave to Agrippa early hope of great station, he liad won his way by success in wars, and prudence in council, to be the second man in the empire. Indeed we do not know how Angustus could have done without him. But it seems that Agrippa was hardly contented with his place as chief of ministers and first of soldiers. He wanted to connect himself more closely with the imperial seat, and was jealous that another should be named eren as the heir of Augustus. It became necessary either to gratify him or get rid of him, and there seems to have been a doubt which course was most desirable. Mäcenas, the second favourite minister of Augustus, had whispered to his master that he should either make Agrippa his sonin-law, or else murder him. There were objections to both alternatives as long as Marcellus lived. The minister was too useful to be lost, and the nephew too near to be abandoned. But when Marcellus died, the difficulties cleared themselves.

Agrippa, it is true, had received, as an instalment of imperial grace, the hand of Marcella, the sister of Julia's husband, and she at this moment was his wife. She, however, was of course divorced, and Julia was at once married to her father's friend.

This match produced a large family of aspirants to the throne, the youngest of whom was born after the death of his father. But in spite of her maternal duties, Julia was not a discreet matron. bable that she was averse to the somewhat stern husband that had been given her, whose age, and face, and official duties, were hardly fitted to console a woman for the loss of one whom she had really loved. She bes

came a libertine even during the life of her husband ; but that husband did not care to encounter the anger of the emperor by noticing her irregularities. After some nine years of union, Agrippa died; and Augustus, wanting, not an heir-for Julia had four children, and another coming, but an assistant to his throne, was instigated by his wife to give Julia again in marriage to Tiberius, Livia's son. Tiberius had a wife of his own ; but she also was disposed of, and the royal princess went a third time to the altar.

Tiberius, however, loved the wife he had lost, and would not put up with the debaucheries of her whom he had gained : and thus his domestic joys were not conspicuous. From this time forth the conduct of Julia became atrocious. We hear dark stories of orgies, such as have disgraced humanity in the persons of a few, and but a few, royal ladies since her time. It would seem that she almost equalled Messalina as a princess, and Theodora as a woman, in the violence of her debaucheries. At last the emperor, who had long endenvoured to persuade himself and others that his daughter was a pattern for Roman matrons, could hear it no longer ; and Julia, at the age of thirty-six, was banished to an island.

But Julia had hail five children, the hope of Rome. Of these the two elder sons died early, both with suspicion of violence; the third was banished, apparently because he was too clumsy for imperial grandeur. But the daughters were destined to be the mothers of emperors. The elder daughter-a second Julia-W early married to a scion of a noble family; but she also misbehaved herself, and was punished, as Mr. Merivale tells us, by relegation to au island.” The daughter of the emperor was in one island, and his grand-daughter in another ; both banished, and both for such gross misconduct as even imperial resources could not keep covered from the eyes of the world.

Poor ladies! Such were the effects of Roman marriages.

When Augustus had once firmly consolidated his imperial power, he had already given to posterity that Jerson in state craft which we have


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been endeavouring to explain. Had been in Europe most similar to his he died twenty years earlier than he were denied such fortune. Alexandil, the proof might have been less der died young, Cæsar was murdered convincing, but the lesson would before he had enjoyed his power, and have been the same. He outlived by Napoleou's fate was even worse than many year:3 his two great ministers, Cæsar's. “The closing scene,” says Agrippa and Maecenas, and was at Mr. Merivale, “of this illustrious last fain to lean upon his step-son and life has been portrayed to us with son-in-law Tiberius.

considerable minuteness. It is the We have not here touched on the first natural dissolution of a great character of this third of the Czesar's man we have been called upou to -a monarch whose dark shadow's witness, and it will be long, I may have been made fearfully plain to 113 add, before we shall assist at anoin the annals of Tacitus. It was not ther.” Previous to the time at which with his own good will that Angus- Augustus sat securely on his throne, tus bequeathed liis great inheritance the fate of a noble Roman who took to Tiberius. He never liked him. part in the affairs of his country was, Aud though the success of his son-in- all but invariably, to die by violence. law, as a Roman general, must have After the days of Augustus, such a made him very valuable, the empie- fate was as certain and more wretchror raised him to high power solely ed. Men in high places were slaugh. because there was none other whom tered like sheep at the caprice of he could raise.

the emperors ; and emperors were We must mention one trait of Au- slaughtered at the caprice of their gustus in his latter days. A certain ministers. To Augustus and his two Cnna contrived a plot against his councillors, Agrippa and Mæcenas, life, and was detected. Such an act it was permitted to pay the debt of in this man was one of personal in- nature naturally: gratitude, as well as national trea- Great reverses towards the end of chery; as he had been favoured by the reign befel the imperial arnis. A Augustus. The emperor sent for Roman general with his legions was him, aud showing him that his plot entrapped into an auibush amoug the was discovered--impaled him alive. German tribes, and the whole army Such must have been the conduct of was routed and destroyed. Person, such an emperor. No-he did not ally this defeat distressed the Empeimpale him, but conferred on bim ror much, and seems even to have the consulship! It has been supereated in his mind an unnecessary a ze should wipe out the blood-stains his power in Rome, or for a moment which merciless cruelty in youth has to make his authority doubtful. That leit the name

of Octavius, the wretched termination of all his We can come to no such conclusion family hopes, the fate of his daugh. in these days. Policy may have ter and his grand-daughter, and the made it necessiry to abustain from the death of his son-in-law and grandpunishment which the traitor de- sons, must have carried much misery served. Policy may even have whis- into his private life, we cannot doubt, pered that it would be wise to make if we are to believe that there was a consul of the traitor. But we can- anything of the man about him. But not see that cleinency had much to do in his public life he was of all men with it. Augustus bad no such ap- the mosi fortunate. This he felt, and petite for blood as other later sove- he died probably contented and selfreigns have had--but he had no hor- satisfied. He had played liis part ror of it. The life and death of weil; he had not disgraced the shrine others was to him a matte: of in- which had been dedicated to him as difference.

a god : he had executed his mission Augustus was fortunate to the with success; and when called on to last. To him it was allowed to die leave his corporeal splendor and his naturally in his bed at a venerable temples, his human power and divine age. To how few of those whose ta- attributes, he was able to do so withlents and ambition have carried them out a regret or a fear. No remem60 high, has the same boon been brance of the bloody lists which he granted. Those whose careera have had written sullied his repose. No


thoughts of those friends and enemies over whose bodies he had stepped up to dominion harrowed his mind. He had done that which the fates required of him, and had done it with success. No Roman could have required more to justify his euthanasia.

At his last moments he was careful as a Roman should be of things exterior. Cæsar when he was falling covered his face decently with his robe. Pompey when he was murdered gave up his last human energy to the arrangement of his mantle. And Augustus, as we are told, had his hair dressed. He then asked those around him whether he had not deserved their applause by the man.

ner in which he had acted his part in life's drama-and so he died.

Here we will end our present remarks. They have only carried us to the middle of the second of the three volumes which now lie before us. We may possibly before long return to the remainder of the work, and endeavour to give some short account of the life of Tiberius.

We will not end our article without expressing our thanks to Mr. Merivale for his labours. His truth is never to be doubted. His classic attainments are of the highest order. His research has included all that has been necessary for his purpose, and his personal trouble has never been spared.


It has been said that the worst use nions : or, if his delinquency be not you can make of a culprit is, to hang of so deep a dye, and his skill in rehim. But we “ know a trick worth commending himself to the good two of that"-send him to Gaol. There graces of the prison authorities be he will have the pleasure of meeting less adroit, he will have the privilege with companions exactly suited to of experiencing all that petty tyranny his taste, who, modestly declining to and " insolence of office,” which his raise themselves to his moral level, more expert fellow-convict will be will take the most disinterested pains sure to exercise over him. There, to bring him down to theirs, so that he too, if he is placed under the tutemay go forth a greater villain than la ge of the Separate System, as at he went in. There, if he happens to present administered, he will feel any be utterly uneducated, care will be incipient desire of reformation, or taken to teach him to read : so that, any settled resolution to lead a new while in prison, he will acquire the life, effectually put down by the prosinvaluable faculty of perusing his pect of his removal to the Public Bible and Prayer-book, to be laid works, where, with singular conaside, when he comes out, for The His- sistency, he is ruthlessly exposed to tory of Dick Turpin and Jack Shep- the gaze of those very associates from pard. There he will have the benefit whose view, while in Separate conof the ministrations of the chaplain, finement, he had been sedulously who will use his best endeavours to guarded. rectify his corrupt principles, encou- Such is the uniformity, such the raged all along by the comfortable general excellence, such the tried effireflection, that those endeavours will cacy, of our present Prison discipline! be rendered utterly unavailing by And such it would in all human probathe jeers and gibes of the prisoner's bility long continue to be, if an event associates. There, if he is so fortu- had not just occurred, which denate as to be brought under the dis- mands a readjustment of the whole cipline of what is called the Silent system of Secondary Punishment. System, he will, if the gravity of his Transportation is at an end, or very offence, combined with the plausibi- nearly so. All our Colonies, with a lity of his hypocrisy, entitle him to trifling exception, refuse any longer that indulgence, be released from the to receive our convicts. We confess observance of the severer rules of the that, so far from sharing in the disprison, and promoted to the office of may which this announcement has warder over his less guilty compa- occasioned, we hail it with solemn


satisfaction ; for now, at last but over again, by those who are most no thanks to ourselves--we must gird conversant with the statistics of up our loins with fitting resolution crime, that we must not suppose the to grapple with a subject which we number of our criminals to be so should otherwise have trifled with to great as the number of committals, the end, as we have trifled with it seeing that


offenders are consfrom the beginning.

Now the con- mitted twice, thrice, or oftener. We dition and treatment of our criminal answer-So much the worse for sopopulation will receive at our hands ciety. Would that the number of the attention it deserves.

committals and of offenders exactly, And it is high time. Crime has or very nearly, tallied ! We might already attained to colossal magni- then hope that crime was a managetude, and is advancing with gigantic able thing. But the bare fact, that strides. Two hundred thousand com- for our worst offenders the prison has mittals to prison in one year in the no terrors, fills us with terror indeed. United Kingdom, constitute a foe Can any one now tell us what we are difficult to cope with, and not to be to do with a felon when we have viewed without uneasiness; and the caught him? Can any one tell us number is increasing with fearful ra- what a felon is to do with himself af. pidity. Nor is its character less ter we have let him go? These are alarming than its extent. . It encoun- questions that might, up to this time, ters force with ruffian violence; baf- have been merely asked: they are fles ingenuity by superior artifice; now questions that must be promptly steals our purses unsuspected in the answered. We can no longer fail public streets and in the glare of back on the old adage, Ce n'est que le day; rifles our chambers, unheard, premier pas qui coûte. Our perplexity in the dead of night, in spite of locks now begins exactly where it is used and bolts; springs upon us, from its to end ; and the difficulty is not how ambush, even in the public thorough- we shall most readily catch the offare, with the elastic bound and fero- fender, but how we shall treat and city of the tiger; and, after the mo

of him when we have got him del of the Indian Thug, disables its safely locked up within four strong victim with a dexterity equal to his, walls. and with an audacity that even its If it were not for the momentous pattern has never reached. The very interests that are in peril, the whole character of our greater criminals is history of our prison management the opprobrium of our penal system; for the last century (we confine ourfor that character plainly implies selves to that period) might be said skill, dexterity, long practice, con- to be simply ludicrous; and it is only tempt of danger, a steady hand, an with the hope that we may be made inventive brain, a callous heart, and wiser for the time to come, that we an utter disregard, through habitual now glance rapidly at our past misbrutality, of the agonies of its vic- carriages. tim. Nor are we imperilled by vio- In the march of prison improvelence alone ; fraud too-fraud exqui- ment, Howard led the way. In 1756, sitely trained, long and successfully immediately after the earthquake at practised-surrounds us with its sub- Lisbon, he embarked for that city; tile meshes, apparently as feeble as but on his voyage the vessel in which the film of the gossamer, but proving he sailed was captured by a French in the issue to have fettered its un- privateer, and carried into Brest. conscious captive with a chain of ada- The barbarous treatment which he, mant. It is a fact as well attested as with the rest of the passengers, exany other in the records of crime, perienced in the Castle of that seathat a numerous class of desperate port, in a dungeon in which they and dangerous depredators exists were all confined for several days, led among us ; pursuing their nefarious him in the first instance to seek the calling for years, at once with abso- mitigation of the sufferings of such lute impunity and signal success, and of his countrymen as were in the living upon the fruits of their vil

places where he had himself been lany, not only in competence, but in confined in France. This humane luxury.

feeling gained further strength and But we have been told over and developinent from what he observed

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