If one who proposed to celebrate the return of Diomede were to commence with the death of Meleager, or in undertaking to narrate the siege of Troy were to journalise the incubation of the double-yoked egg, he would not commit a greater absurdity than the writer, who, in setting forth the history of British diplomacy in Persia, should do more than make a passing allusion to the adventures of the Brothers Shirley, the infructive embassy of Sir Dodmore Cotton, or the allied expedition which wrested Ormus from the Portuguese. Diplo matic intercourse between the two countries can hardly, indeed, be said to have commenced before the opening of the present century. Previous to that time the East India Company, which alone maintained any communication with the people of Persia, were represented merely by commercial agents wholly intent on driving a lucrative trade. The Persians, therefore, had come to regard the English nation as nothing more than a mercantile community, more honest in adhering to a bargain than clever in making one, and rather to be envied for their wealth than respected for their moral and material power. Subsequent events have, probably, modified this opinion. At the accession of the Marquis Wellesley, then Lord Mornington, to the Governor-Generalship of India, considerable apprehension prevailed even in Calcutta as to the safety of the British possessions in the east. The wolf-cry of the day was an Afghan invasion. This calamity had so frequently been threatened that it was at last looked upon as a certainty, though its occurrence might possibly be delayed a few months, or even a few years. At that time the kingdom of Afghanistan was ruled by Shah Zeman, a prince whose ambition was in the inverse ratio of his talents, and who, in the attempt to rival his grandfather, the great Ahmed Shah Abdallee, only succeeded in surpassing the feebleness of his own father Timour. His one all-absorbing thought was the conquest of India, but never did he reach the eastern limits of his territories without being hastily summoned back to their western boundaries in order to repel the insignificant demonstrations of Persia. This ruling passion was, moreover, sedulously inflamed by the interested exhortations of Wuzeer Ali, of Oude. That notorious personage, after being deposed by Sir John Shore, had fixed his residence at Benares, whence his active and intriguing mind soon found means to communicate with the Af ghan ruler. As the price of his own restoration to power he offered to advance a large sum of money, and promised to exert his whole influence in An admirable article with this title, to which the writer of the present sketch is greatly indebted, appeared in the Calcutta Review, No. xxiii. 1849. Oude in favor of the invader, Similar professions were also made by the Rajah of Mysore; while the Mahom medan population of Hindostan openly avowed their natural sympathy for their co-religionists, and indulged in foud dreams of the expul sion of the hated Foringhee, The threatening aspect of public affairs filled the mind of the governorgeneral with deep anxiety. As yet unacquainted with the courage and fidelity of the native troops, when led by English officers, he hesitated to confide to their unaided valour the fortunes of the British empire in the east. In his alarm he turned his eyes towards Persia, and sought to stay himself on that bruised and broken reed. There was then no accredited representative of this country at the court of Teheran, and the only agent of the East India Company was a Persian nobleman residing at Bushire, named Mehdi Ali Khan. To him, therefore, Lord Wellesley was compelled to have recourse, and the Khan is acknowledged to have served him faithfully and with zeal. The first plan that suggested itself was to subsidize the entire Persian army, but his lordship finally adopted the less expensive measure of spending annually twenty to thirty thousand pounds in order to induce the court of Teheran "to keep Shah Zeman in perpetual check, but without any decided act of hostility." This was the more easy, that Futteh Ali Shah had already resolved to make an inroad into Khorassan. An expedition was accordingly despatched in the early part of 1798, under the command of Prince Mahmoud and Prince Firoz, refugee brothers of the Afghan potentate, and for whose outfit Mehdi Ali Khan advanced the modest sum of £1,700. However, the incapacity of the chiefs, or the inefficiency of the armament, resulted in complete failure, and a fair proof was given of the true value of the Persian alliance. In the following year the Shah took the field in person, declaring his resolution to conquer and reduce the countries of Candahar and Herat. But fortune was as little favourable to the "King of Kings" as to the exiled princes, and in the autumn his Majesty returned to Teheran, having effected nothing more than the withdrawal of Shah Zeman from Lahore to Peshawur. The governor-general's agent now waited upon the Shah in his capital, and by the judicious expenditure of £25,000 convinced his ministers of the expediency of mak ing frequent diversions on the western side of Afghanistan. The Persian monarch, accordingly, again entered Khorassan in the spring of 1800, and Shah Zeman, postponing for the present all ideas of Indiau conquest, advanced to Herat to defend his own dominións from foreign invasion. It was at this conjuncture that Captain-afterwards Sir John-Malcolm arrived at Bushire, whence he hastened to Teheran, and was graci ously received by Futteh Ali Shah, on his return home for the winter after another inglorious campaign. The object of the British mission was two-fold: to create a counterpoise to Afghan ambition, and to warn the Shah against listening to the seductive counsels of the French Directory. Much as he had suffered from his fear of the Afghans, Lord Wellesley was yet more severely afflicted with Gallophobia in its very worst form. It was then, indeed, the primary article of every Englishman's faith that a Frenchman was his natural enemy, and one not deterred by any scruples from accomplishing the ruin of his country. But as yet French influ ence had obtained no footing in Persia. Captain Malcolm found the field open to him, and no foe appeared within the lists. He pushed his advantage to the utmost. With lavish hands he showered down largesses on all who appeared to wish well to his cause-and who could be so ungracious as to frown upon such a munificent Elchee? Assuredly, few Persians could have been found so blind to their personal interests, as to refuse their co-operation to one who scat tered wealth on all around him with such fabulous prodigality, that many believed he had been promised a per centage on all he could possibly spend. His objects were, for the time, fully attained. It was unne cessary, indeed, to raise up any barriers against the folly of Shah Yeman, for that unhappy prince fell into a brother's hands and was deprived of sight. But with regard to the French there was nothing left to be desired. It was agreed that, Should any army of the French nation, neinated by design and deceit, attempt to settle with a view of establishing themselves on any of the islands or shores of Persia, a conjoint force shall be appointed by the two high contracting parties, to act in co-operation for their expulsion and extirpation, and to destroy and put an end to the foundation of their treason; and if any of the great men of the French nation express a wish or desire to obtain a place of residence, or dwelling, in any of the islands or shores of the kingdom of Persia, that they may raise the standard of abode or settlement, leave for their residing in such a place shall not be granted." A firman was also issued to the governors of provinces, enjoining them to "expel and extirpate the French, and never allow them to obtain a footing in any place," and even authorizing them "to disgrace and slay the intruders." tinetion is reported to have said, "The English might kill ten ambassadors, if they paid for them at the same rate." The Haji's brother-inlaw, Mirza Nebbee Khan, thought, however, that the accident might be turned to yet better account, and by means of enormous bribes obtained for himself the vacant post of honour. Not that the "honour" was his inducement. He proceeded to India to exercise the triple functions of minister, merchant, and claimant of blood-money, which he roundly assessed at twenty lakhs of rupees.” He failed in all these purposes. His arrogant language and overbearing demeanour rendered him personally obnoxious, and besides it was felt that enough had already been done to atone for an unavoidable accident. His political mission fared no better than his private one. He had been instructed to solicit the active co-operation of the Indian government in repelling Muscovite aggression; but Sir George Barlow had entrenched himself behind the principle of nonintervention, being seemingly of opinion that it is the duty of a ruler simply to hold the reins but not to guide the car of state. The Central Asian question, besides, had now attained a magnitude and importance that brought it within the immediate sphere of action of the home government. This question had sustained considerable modifications since the commencement of the century. Perron's battalions had been annihilated or dispersed; the French had completely failed to establish themselves It might be supposed that an alliance acquired by so much cost and trouble would be jealously and carefully maintained. Nothing more, however, was done; and for several years there was little intercourse between the Indian and Persian gcvernments. And there would probably have been still less, but for a tragical occurrence which, in its consequences, afterwards bordered on the burlesque. Diplomatic, or at least Asiatic, etiquette demanded that the compliment implied by Captain Malcolm's embassy should be acknowledged by a return mission; but the empty and expensive honor of representing his country had no attrac-in tions for any of the great men about the Persian court. A certain Haji Khalil Khan, however, having some commercial ends in view, at length accepted the post, and proceeded to India in 1802. Unhappily a serious quarrel broke out, while he was at Bombay, between his attendants and the sepoys of his guard; and in attempting to allay the disturbance the Elchee was accidentally shot. Great were the consternation and perplexity of the Indian government. Every demonstration was made of official sorrow and regret; ample explanations and apologies were offered to the Persian court; and such liberal pensions were granted to the relatives of the deceased, that a Persian of dis Egypt; Runjeet Sing had erected an impassable barrier against the Afghans; and the kingdom of Afghanistan itself was rent by internal strife and civil discord. A more formidable enemy than all these now appeared upon the scene, though many years were yet to elapse before the selfcomplacent fatuity of British statesmen could be made to comprehend that Russia was the only power really dangerous to the safety of our Indian empire. The outlines of Russian policy in the east were sketched by the masterhand of Peter the Great, and have since undergone but little variation. In the political testament ascribed to that wonderful barbarian, India is distinctly stated to be the goal of Russian ambition. "We must progress as much as possible," it says, in the direction of Constantinople and India. He who can once get possession of these points is the real ruler of the world. With this view we must provoke constant quarrelsat one time with Turkey, and at another with Persia. We must establish wharves and docks in the Euxine, and by degrees make ourselves masters of that sea, as well as of the Baltie, which is a doubly important element in the success of our plan. We must hasten the downfall of Persia ; push on to the Persian Gulf; if possible, re-establish the ancient commercial intercourse with the Levant, through Syria; and force our way into the Indies, which are the storehouses of the world. Once there, we can dispense with English gold." Whether or not this testament be genuine, it is certain that Peter acted on the principles above enunciated. So early as 1717 he attempted to possess himself of the Khanat of Khiva, and only failed through the savage patriotism of its inhabitants. Pre viously to this he had established a grievance against Persia, in the massacre of three hundred Russian residents at Shamakhi, during an inroad of the Lesghees. Objects of greater importance, however, intervened, and compelled him to postpone the execution of his vengeance until 1722. In that year Shah Sultan Hoossein was weak enough to implore the assistance of the Czar against his own rebellious subjects. He did not ask in vain. Having assembled a considerable force at Astrakhan, Peter speedily made himself master of Derbend-the Iron Gate-and, in the following year, of the province of Ghilan. While these events were passing in the north-west, the Afghans, emboldened by the pusillanimity of the Shah, had marched triumphantly upon Ispahan, and seized upon the person of the imbecile monarch. this emergency his son Tamasb had recourse to the Russian despot, who exacted the cession of various towns and provinces in return for very equivocal services. Fortunately for Persia a hero arose in her hour of utmost need, and before the completion of the first half of the eighteenth century Nadir Shah had wrested all their recent acquisitions from Turks, Rus In sians, and Afghans. Among these restored dependencies of the Persian Crown was Georgia, though it continued to be governed by its own Wully with almost sovereign power. Lying at the foot of the Caucasian range, it was subject to frequent incursions from the rude mountain tribes, who carried off the flocks and herds, and even the wives and children, of their unwarlike neighbours. Unable to obtain protection for his subjects from their lawful suzerain, the Shah of Persia, Prince Heraclins applied to Catherine II., and transferred his allegiance to the Czarina. The Georgian prince, however, hal acted with more passion than prudence. Aga Mahommed Khan, having securely established himself ou the throne, hastened to chastise his revolted vassal. Heraclius was defeated in battle, and his capital Tiflis given up to plunder. The Russians at length advanced to his succour, and a savage warfare was carried ou with equal ferocity on either side, until the assassination of Aga Mahommed at Sheesha. On the death of Heraclius the wretched country hecame the prey of civil dissensions, from which it was only rescued by the famous ukase of Paul, that declared Georgia to be an integral por tion of the Russian empire. His son and successor, Alexander I., coinpleted the work of annexation by the arms of the ubiquitous Zizianof, afterwards murdered while attending a conference before the walls of Balku. The evident superiority of the Russians in the field constrained the Shah to solicit foreign aid. In the first instance he addressed himself, s already stated, to the Indian government, and only after the rejection of his application did he turn a favorable car to the propositions of the French envoy. In the summer of 1805, Colonel Romieu had arrived at Teheran, the bearer of handsome presents, and accredited under the Emperor's own hand. At his first interview, the Shah condescended to put to him only three questions: "How are you?” "How is Bonaparte?" "What made you kill your king?" But afterwards, when he discovered that no hope was to be founded on the English alliance, he listened with some complacency to Colonel Romieu's overtures. They were sufficiently explicit and straight forward. As a compensation for the passive friendship of England, the French Emperor offered to appoint a resident minister at Teheran, to subsidize the Persian army, and to throw an auxiliary force into Georgia. It is very likely that the inopportune death of the envoy alone prevented the contraction of a formal alliance between the two courts at this period. The event actually took place in 1807, when the treaty of Fenkestein engaged the two powers to attack Russia simultaneously from the east and from the west. The exclusion of the English from Persia, and the future invasion of Hindostan by the French-a Persian army marching down the while "by the road of Cabul and Candahar". -were also provided for. A few months later, however, Napoleon's views were considerably affected by the peace of Tilsit, and he now dreamed of operating against India, by an allied FrancoRussian army acting from the basis of Persia. This arrangement would not have been easily acceded to by the Shah, who ever evinced a sagacious jealousy of the presence of a foreign army within his territories, though he might not have refused to send his troops under the command of European officers to make a diversion on the northwestern frontiers of Hindostan. The conquest of the East was long a favorite vision of the French Emperor. Vastus animus immoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat. And now a favourable opportunity seemed to present itself. In the first ardor of the newly revived project, he determined to despatch Lucien, the ablest of his brothers, to the Court of Teheran, and it is not unlikely that Alexander's lukewarmness alone prevented him from making Central Asia the burial ground of a French army. He lost nothing, however, by his subsequent selection of General Gardanne, who, in due time, arrived at Teheran, attended by an imposing suite, chiefly composed of military officers. The organization of the Persian army was then promptly proceeded with; the elements of European discipline were introduced with partial success; and the artillery was placed on a tolerably eflicient footing. This Franco-Persian coalition was justly deemed to bode no good to the British possessions in India, but the alarm it created was beyond all proportion to its real capabilities of doing injury. The recent neglect shown to Persia was now succeeded by an exaggerated notion of the importance of the Shah's good will. Both the home government and that of India hastily adopted measures to atone for their past remissness; but acting without concert, and under the blind guidance of a panic, they well nigh succeeded in neutralising each other's influence. The British ministry, considering that the Persian alliance had now become a question for European diplomacy, in the autumn of 1807 sent out Sir Harford Jones as envoy extraordinary from the Crown. This appointment gave great umbrage to Lord Minto, who described it as "a solecism in the system of diplomatic delegation;" and he accordingly instructed Brigadier-General Malcolm to proceed to Teheran as the representative of the Indian government. As Sir Harford Jones sighted the harbour of Bombay, his rival was spreading his sails for the Persian gulf. Though astonished and chagrined, the Crown envoy had the good sense to await the result of the Indian mission. He had not long to wait. General Malcolm arrived at Bushire while the French influence was still in the ascendant. In vain he had recourse to his former expedient of strewing his path with gold. The Persians were then struggling for their existence as an independent nation, and stood more in need of arms, ammunition, and officers than of money. Foiled in every attempt to make a favorable impression, General Malcolm lost his self-possession, and sought a balm for his wounded vanity in undignified reproaches and threats of invasion. Sailing round the peninsula of Hindostan, he hastened to Calcutta in the hope of inducing the GovernorGeneral to send an expedition against Persia, commencing with the permanent occupation of the island of Karrak. A force was actually equipped for this purpose, but before it could set sail from Bombay intelligence was received of the complete success of the British envoy. On being apprized of General Malcolm's failure, Sir Harford Jones re |