LADY'S CUSHION is that pretty pink Thrift (Statice Armeria,) and its plump, elastic mass of close grass-like foliage that we find so flourishing by the sea-side, and call sea-pinks. Its sirname "Thrift" is derived from its thriving in all situations, inland and maritime, urban and rural.

Then there is LADY'S BED-STRAW (Galéum verum,) with its thick tufts of tiny yellow flowers, smelling like honey. There is a variety, identical in all respects, save having pure white flowers, and a less powerful

scent.

We must not forget the HOLY GRASS (Hierochloe Borealis), which in some parts of Prussia is especially dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and strewn before the church doors at her festivals.

And the MARY-GOLD (Calendula) was so called from a tradition that was a favourite flower of the Virgin's, and worn by her in her bosom.

Among the plants and flowers dedicated to saints, there is our own beautiful little SAXIFRAGE, that grows so freely on our Irish mountains (Saxifraga umbrosa). The Sister Isle has tried to steal it from us, and has called it LONDON PRIDE, and "Queen Anne's Needle-work," and more appropriately, None-so-pretty; but we claim it as ST. PATRICK S CABBAGE. And somewhat cabbagelike is its tuft of close-lying, broad jagged leaves, from which springs its spike of tiny pink and white flowers, so minutely dotted with red and yel

low.

The ROSE-BAY WILLOW HERB(Epilobium angustifolium), called by the French Laurier de St. Antoine, is dedicated to *St. Anthony, the founder of Monachism, on account of its red colour, in allusion to that red disease, the Erysipelas, which raged in France in the eleventh century like a plague, and no remedy found for it till, says tradition, some making intercession through St. Anthony, were healed: thence the malady was called "St. Anthony's Fire." Of St. Anthony it

is related, that, beholding in a vision all the snares and temptations of the world, he felt desponding for the fate of mankind, and exclaimed, "Who then shall escape, O Lord ?" and a voice answered-" The humble!" Being asked by a philosopher who came to confer with him, how he could exist in the wilderness to which he had retired, without books? he replied-" My book is God and Nature."

The LESSER CELANDINE (Ranunculus Ficaria), because its bright yellow starry flower blossoms about St. Perpetua's day (March 7), is dedicated to that saint, who, a young wife and mother, was thrown to the beasts in the Amphitheatre for her confession of Christianity, and thus martyred at the age of twenty-two, during the persecution of Severus,

A.D. 202.

CYCLAMEN opening its purple flowers about February 7. St, Romoald's day is dedicated to that saint, whose story is somewhat romantic. He was of the noble family of the Onesti at Ravenna; and was brought by his father to witness a duel between him and a relative with whom he was at enmity on account of some property. The kinsman was killed, and Romoald was so shocked that he fled from the world, became a monk, and converted his father. He founded the celebrated Monastery of Camaldoli, thirty miles from Florence, in 1009.

The pretty BLUE BELL, with its helmet-shaped blossoms, is dedicated to the Patron of England, the martial St. George. The white variety is called by the French "the Nun of the Fields."La Religieuse des Champs.

The white WINTER CRESS, welcome because it appears so early, when there are so few blossoms, is dedicated to St. Barbara, who suffered martyrdom at Heliopolis, in Egypt, in the time of Galerius, A.d., 306. Her day is in December, in which month the flower blows.

The HOLLYHOCK (Althœa) is a corruption of Holy Oak, reverenced be

He was tortured and beheaded in 303.

cause brought from the Holy Land by the Crusaders.

Many other venerated flowers there are, dedicated to saints, as among the daffodils, Narcissus, Veronicas, &c., &c., but we have mentioned them in former floral papers.

We must not, however, forget the PASSION FLOWER (Passiflora) which was viewed with much reverence by the Portuguese when discovered in Brazil in 1699. They fancied they saw in it a representation of our Lord's crucifixion, and changed its original name, Murucia, to Passion Flower. As every one may not discern the emblems as easily as the Portuguese discoverers, it may be as well to remark, that the leaf represents the spear; the tendrils the cords for binding; the ten petals, the ten Apostles, two being absent, Peter having deserted his master, and Judas having hanged himself; the pillar, or style in the centre, is the cross, the smaller styles, nails; the stamens, hammers; the inner circle round the pillar, the crown of thorns; the outer radiate circle, a glory; the blue colour represents heaven, the white, purity.

The Passiflora Elata has drops like blood on the central pillar, or cross.

As a leave-taking of these religious flowers, we shall conclude our paper with a devotional poem.

THE PRAYER OF THE POOR.

Translated from the French of Lamartine.

(O toi dont l'oreille s'incline

Au nid du pauvre passereau, &c.)

Thou who dost gracious ear incline E'en to the humble sparrow's nest, E'en to the flowers and grass that pine For water on the mountain's breast.

Thou thou dost pity them in heaven, The hand is only known to thee, That hand whose secret alms are given To help the needs of poverty.

Thy power did into being bring Abounding Wealth, Want thin and nude,

That from their intercourse might spring

Charity, Justice, Gratitude.

Do thou our benefactors keep
In mem'ry, bounteous Providence!
And let them in thy blessings reap
Their tender pity's recompence.

They for whose weal to thee we sue,
Are from our hearts for ever hid;
Because their left hand never knew
The good their right in secret did.
M. E. M.

HISTORY, in its highest and most appropriate sense, is one of those refined and subtle essences which are only attained after an elaborate process of biographical exhaustion and mental analysis. The official correspondence of public men, long secreted in the archives of their families, serves at this date to form the raw material of political memoirs: and the works, again, thus formed by a collation of letters illustrative of the policy of successive governments form the raw material of future history. This

species of literature, therefore, if it possess a temporary value liable to be destroyed at any time by the industry of a laborious historian, can boast at least of a constructive character. No just criticism, indeed, can depreciate the ultimate importance of such works as those which form the object of the present review, any more than it can succeed in underrating their present interest. Historical memoirs have gained a new impulse during the last twenty years, and have largely illustrated within that period the an

nals of England under the House of Brunswick. Nor do we know of any method of treating the history of an important epoch which gives so lifelike a representation of the events with which it deals, as that which teaches by a judicious selection of correspondence. Its defectiveness, indeed, is in one respect inevitable; inasmuch as it offers but a partial view of events; and, by dealing with public affairs from its own point of view, distorts the relative importance of particular scenes and particular actors. In this manner, while the present works detail to us the policy of the Grenvilles with a prominence indicative of their own supremacy in the political world, the Memoirs of Lord Rockingham, and those of Mr. Fox, necessarily give a totally different complexion to the political annals of the same period. It will thus be the task of the historian to reconcile these inevitable inequalities of partial narration; but until such an analysis has been made, it will be the task of the reviewer to examine the additional light which the more important of these historical sketches may throw upon hidden facts of government.

In dealing with works relating to periods of such magnitude and importance, it will of course be impossible to attempt continuous narration. The correspondence here begins with the dissolution of Lord North's Administration, and the consequent termination of the American war in 1782. It thence elucidates questions relative to the Rockingham, Shelburne, and Coalition Ministries; to the final establishment of Mr. Pitt's Government; and to the struggle of that period between the crown and the parliament. We shall therefore endeavour to point out the instances in which the present works serve to enlarge our knowledge of the political affairs to which they relate, by touching upon different subjects singly and disconnectedly.

The year 1782 opened with the final discomfiture of the war party, and of Lord North's Government. During twelve disastrous years, that minister had represented the party opposed to the conciliation of America, which under the preceding Administration of the Duke of Grafton (1766-1770) had inflicted a fatal blow

to British interests in that quarter. These twelve years were replete with great events. At their commencement, the United Kingdom retained the prestige and the power which it had acquired under Chatham. At its close, not only was that power and prestige annihilated, but the country, equally unable to support the war or to endure the government, pronounced against the policy of the administration, established a new one in its place, and recognized the independence of America.

On the 19th of March, 1782, Lord North, after encountering a variety of motions with the alternate fate of a minority and a majority seldom exceeding fifteen voices upon either side, communicated to Parliament the final beak-up of the war ministry. The Opposition was then constituted by two distinct parties in the State. That which commanded at once the greatest ability, and the greatest numerical force, was the more liberal branch headed by the Marquess of Rockingham in the House of Lords, and comprehending Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, Mr. Sheridan, and Lord John Cavendish, in the House of Commons. These were the genuine Whigs-a party so pure, and severely exclusive, that they formed in reality a political caste. The other party was that of which Lord Chatham, up to his death in 1778, had been the head, and which now acknowledged the leadership of Lord Shelburne. The opinions of this party appeared to hold an intervening place between those of the Whigs and Tories. They may perhaps be

assimilated to the Peelites' of the present day. The coalition of these parties now formed the obvious means of a new Government being established in 1782, much as the coalition of the parties headed by Lord John Russell, and of Lord Aberdeen formed an expedient dictated by the same consideration seventy years afterwards.

Very strong jealousies and antipathies had developed themselves between these parties, even before the out-break of the American war. Lord Chatham had on a former occasion endeavoured to form a combination with Lord Rockingham similar to that of 1782, and so high did the animosity run between the two parties, that Rockingham refused to give Chatham admission to his house. In

1782, however, after so long an estrangement from the Treasury bench, the love of office got the better of a love of jealousy and distrust; and the Whigs, on the condition of the Premiership of Lord Rockingham, agreed to share the sweets of official life with the party of Lord Shelburne. It was endeavoured to establish the Coalition Government which was thus formed, on a balance of jealousies. This equipoise, however, was lost within six months of its formation, by the death of Lord Rockingham. The King, who, distrusting the whole liberal body, preferred nevertheless the least anti-monarchical of the two, and had wished from the outset to see Lord Shelburne at the head of affairs, now insisted on his taking Lord Rockingham's place. Fox, meanwhile, determined to maintain the ascendancy of the Whigs, proposed the Duke of Portland in place of Rockingham, and to the prejudice of Shelburne. When he had submitted this proposal to the King, and was informed that the Treasurer's staff had already been committed to Lord Shelburne, he asked leave to nominate the new Secretary of State in Lord Shelburne's place; and on learning that that place was also already disposed of, resigned office in conjunction with the rest of the Whig leaders. Thus ended, in a few months, the Administration representing the fruit of twelve years of parliamentary opposition.

Thus far, the incidents we are relating are matters of history. But the present Memoirs reveal much of the under-current by which these results were brought about. Fox, it is clear, placed no confidence in the integrity of Shelburne; nor Shelburne in that of the King. When, then, we bear in mind that the integrity of Mr. Fox himself was not of the highest order, we may gain a fair notion of the exalted point of view from which Shelburne must have contemplated the morality of the sovereign! "Lord Shelburne said of the King," says the Duke of Buckingham, "that he possessed one art beyond any man he had ever known; for that by the familiarity of his intercourse he obtained your confidence, procured from you your opinion of different public characters, and then availed himself of

this knowledge to sow dissensions." (vol. 1, p. 27).

The Duke of Buckingham has also brought to light the fact, that Fox himself considered the Administration as defunct from the moment of Lord Rockingham's death; and that the proposal of the Duke of Portland was made simply in the character of an impracticable ultimatum, to justify the resignation of the Whigs. This is revealed by a letter of his own.

It must be admitted that this correspondence has served to offer some palliation of the conduct pursued by Mr. Fox towards Lord Shelburne, and to show that public as well as private considerations rendered it difficult for that minister to serve with him while he was undisputed master of the State.

It will be remembered that on the accession of the Rockingham Ministry, it was determined that an envoy should be sent to Paris to negotiate with Franklin, then at that capital, on the terms of a pacification with America. Mr. Thomas Grenville was the statesman selected for that purpose; and it would have been difficult to have made a more judicious selection. While, however, Mr. Gren ville was thus publicly accredited in the name of the Government, Lord Shelburne, as it appears from this correspondence, took upon himself to send out a secret envoy without the knowledge of Mr. Fox, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. This envoy ap pears to have been charged with the special mission of thwarting Mr. Grenville, and defeating the policy of the majority in the cabinet. It is to be suspected that the king must have been cognisant of the matter, for it is difficult to understand in what manner an envoy proceeding in so anomalous a manner could otherwise have gained the confidence of the authorities in France. This is explained by the following selections from a letter given at length in these memoirs :

expressly told me that he would think over all the points likely to establish a solid reconciliation between England and America. For this very interesting communication which I had long laboured to get, he fixed the fourth day, which was last Saturday; but on Friday morning Mr. Oswald came, and having given me your letters, he went immediately to Franklin, to carry some to him. But when I came to lead the discourse (with Franklin) to the subject which he (Franklin) had promised four days before, I was a good deal mortified to find him put it off altogether till he should be more ready; and notwithstanding my reminding him of his promise, he only answered, it should be in some days. What passed between Mr. Oswald and me will explain the reason of this disappointment.

Mr. Oswald told me that Lord Shelburne had proposed to him, when last in England, to take a commission to treat with the American ministers; and that upon his mentioning it to Franklin now, it seemed perfectly agreeable to him, and even to be what he very much wished; Mr. Oswald adding that he wished only to assist the business. He mixed with this a few regrets that there should be any difference between the two offices; and when I asked upon what subject, he said, owing to the Rockingham party being too ready to give up every thing.

You will observe, though, for it is on that account that I give you this narrative, that this intended appointment has effectually stopped Franklin's mouth to me; and that when he is told that Mr. Oswald is to be Commissioner for England, it is but natural that he should reserve his confidence for the quarter so pointed out to him: nor does this secret seem only known to Franklin; as Lafayette said, laughing, yesterday, that he had just left Lord Shelburne's ambassador at Passy. (i. pp. 34-36.)

This letter proceeds to mention the several points on which Oswald entered into separate and secret negotiation.

Now it is certain that this correspondence reflects more or less discredit upon the Whig coalition, in both its branches. It shows that there was neither honour now confidence in the composition of the Government. The conduct of Lord Shelburne was wholly indefensible, even on the supposition which a passage in the above letter certainly authorises, that Mr. Fox was not very solicitous for the honour of his country, under the delicate task and inevitable necessity of recognising the independence of a rebellious colony. The course open to Shelburne was undoubtedly that of a resituation. in the event of a maiority

of the cabinet deciding against his views. On the other hand, it has lately been shown in the Memorials of Mr. Fox, published by Lord John Russell, that that minister was ready to degrade his country in the eyes of the Court of Berlin (see his letters to Frederic the Great); and there was, therefore, grave doubt whether Fox were not as insincere towards his country as was Lord Shelburne towards Fox. The indignation of the Rockingham Whigs, however, knew no bounds, as will be seen in the following extract from the answer of Mr. Fox

I have taken upon me to show your letter to Lord Rockingham, the Duke of Richmond, and Lord John (Cavendish), who are as full of indignation at its contents as one might reasonably expect honest men to be.

If

With these two points we wish to charge Shelburne directly; but pressing as the King is, and interesting as it is both to our own situations and to the affairs of the public, which are, I fear, irretrievably injured by this intrigue, and which must be ruined if it is suffered to go on, we are resolved not to stir a step until we hear again from you. this matter should produce a rupture, and consequently become more or less the subject of discussion, I am sensible the Canada paper cannot be mentioned by name; but might it not be said that we had discovered that Shelburne had withheld from our knowledge matters of importance to the negotiation? And with respect to the other point, might it not be said, without betraying anybody, that while the King had one avowed and authorised minister at Paris, measures were taken for lessening his credit, and for obstructing his enquiries, by announcing a new intended commission, of which the cabinet had never been apprised? &c. (i. p. 40.)

It appears certain from this letter, that Mr. Fox and his party had contemplated a retirement from the cabi net, even before Lord Rockingham's death. They proposed openly to assail Lord Shelburne in parliament; and they were ready, by implication at least, to assail the king also. Yet these were the Ministers of the Crown! And foremost among the assailants stood the First Lord of the Treasury