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In 1815 Tipperary, the King's County, and the Queen's, and in 1817 the County Louth, were placed under the Insurrection Act.

In 1820 disturbances broke out in Connaught, and in 1822 and 1823 the peasants of Munster and Leinster were in revolt against the landlords. Between 1824 and 1829 the partly constitutional and partly rebellious agitation for Catholic relief was vigorously carried on by O'Connell. Between 1830 and 1835 the sanguinary Tithe War was waged, and Whitefeet, Blackfeet, Terryalts, Lady Clares, Molly Maguires, and Rockites overran the land. Between 1842 and 1846 the Repeal movement aroused the country to a state of frenzied enthusiasm, almost bordering on rebellion.

In 1848 the Young Irelanders were in insurrection. Between 1850 and 1856 Ulster or the South formed the scene of a more or less vigorous tenant-right agitation, and the land was once more stained by horrible agrarian crimes. In 1858 the treasonable Fenian Society was founded, and between 1863 and 1868 it became a power, or a terror. In 1878-79 John Devoy, a Neo-Fenian, formulated his new departure 'for uniting the forces of revolution and constitutional agitation, with the object of advancing the aims of the separatist party.

From 1879 to this present year Ireland has been in the hands of men who have been denounced as 'rebels,' and the authority of whose leader it is scarcely an exaggeration to say her Majesty's Ministers are at this moment forced to acknowledge. Thirty-four years after the Union an Irish Lord-Lieutenant said that it was more safe to violate the law than to obey it,' and those who have followed the career of the Land League need not be reminded that the Imperial Parliament has not yet succeeded in converting the Irish people into 'law-abiding subjects.'

Be the causes what they may, the fact must be faced that, after a trial of eighty-five years, the Union has failed to make Ireland loyal, to quell the social and political disorders by which her people have been so long distracted and demoralised. What is now to be done?

The experiment of coercion, pure and simple, has been tried, but without success. For twenty-nine years after the Union nothing, practically, but Coercion Acts were passed for Ireland. But the country was not pacified; the people were not made loyal. From 1829 to 1881 the experiment of granting half-measures of redress, under the pressure of rebellious agitation, or of actual rebellion, and accompanied by more Coercion Acts, has been tried, but Irish disaffection and lawlessness still exist. Assuredly the time for a new departure has arrived the time for conceding with grace and doing justice with completeness.

The Church Act excepted.


It was a complete measure of justice in conception and in results. It wholly removed the grievance, and obliterated even the memory of wrong associated with it.


Ar present, when many persons are having their attention directed to the subject of Home Rule for Ireland, and in view of the near future when that question will come up for serious, and no doubt heated discussion, it may not be without interest if we give some account of Home Rule as it has existed in Hungary for the last eighteen years. Most persons probably feel inclined to concede a certain measure of Home Rule to Ireland if thereby peace and prosperity may be secured to that country. The difficult questions are: What amount of Home Rule will satisfy the Irish people? and what can be conceded to them with honour, and with a due regard to the interests of the kingdom as a whole?

Hungary has been called the Ireland of Austria,' and if we regard the disturbed state of matters that used to prevail there the designation is not without truth. Nor is the cause far to seek. The form of government in Austria down even to 1848 was an absolute monarchy. The affairs of the different provinces were managed by provincial Diets, which, however, had no voice in matters of State. In Hungary, on the other hand, a limited monarchy had been established for centuries, and a large share of power vested in the National Diet. The sovereigns were generally inclined to regard Hungary as merely a province of the empire, and could not well see why their power should not be as absolute there as in the other parts of their dominions; while the Hungarians, on the other hand, were constantly striving to maintain their ancient rights and privileges. The chief cause of our grievances,' said one speaker, 'lies in our heterogeneous union with Austria. We possess a constitution, Austria has none. We can never be fused into the Austrian dominions.' Seeing, then, that Hungary could not be brought down to the level of Austria, the wisest course that could be adopted was to raise Austria up to the standpoint of Hungary by conferring on it a like constitution and privileges, and so effecting a fusion. This is what was brought about by the legislative enactments of 1867.

St. Stephen, the first king of Hungary, who flourished in the beginning of the eleventh century, and established Christianity in

the country, among other wise and enlightened measures created a national council, composed of lords spiritual and temporal and knights, to assist him in the government. This is the origin of the National Diet which figures so largely in the subsequent history of the country. In addition to this, the land was divided into counties, to each of which a large share of independent power was conceded in the management of its internal affairs. A body of written laws was also drawn up, known as the Decrete of St. Stephen. The next important measure in the constitutional history of Hungary was the granting of the Aurea Bulla, or Golden Bull, by Andrew the Second, in 1222, just seven years after the signing by King John of the Magna Charta, to which it bears a considerable resemblance. During the king's absence in the Holy Land, his affairs at home had got into great confusion, and on his return he found the nobles in open rebellion. To conciliate them, and to restore peace, he granted this Bull. It conceded to the nobles various important privileges, among which was exemption from taxation, and it greatly limited the power of the king. The most remarkable article was the thirty-first, which declared that, should the king, or any of his descendants, at any future time violate any of the principles of this Bull, the nobles should be free to take up arms against them without being liable to the charge of high treason. The Golden Bull has been sworn

to be observed by all the subsequent kings of Hungary, but the thirty-first article was cancelled on the accession of Joseph the First in 1705.

The male line of the royal house of Hungary became extinct on the death of Louis the Second in 1526, and Ferdinand, the brother of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, in consequence of his marriage with Anna, the sister of the late king, obtained the crown, after a struggle with John Zapolya of Transylvania, aided by the Turks. On the abdication of his brother, Charles the Fifth, in 1556, he succeeded to the Imperial throne, and thus Hungary and Austria became united under one sovereign.

Charles the Sixth of Austria, who succeeded his brother Joseph the First in 1711, was the following year crowned king of Hungary at Presburg, after having sworn to observe all the laws and institutions. of the country, and acknowledging the right of the Hungarian States to choose a king for themselves should the male line of the house of Austria become extinct. Charles being himself without male issue, set about establishing the succession in the female line by means of what is known as the Pragmatic Sanction, to which he first obtained the assent of his own States, and then that of most of the Powers of Europe. It was agreed to by the National Diet of Hungary in 1722namely, that the throne of Hungary and that of the Hereditary States should devolve on the same member of the reigning house, and the succession be regulated by the same laws. The Hungarians

thus renounced their right to elect a king in the event of the extinction of the male line, and on the other hand it was expressly stipulated that the sovereign should never rule or govern Hungary otherwise than in accordance with its own laws made or hereafter to be made by the Diet. He was also bound at all times to observe and maintain the rights, liberties, and laws of the land and to have himself crowned on his accession to the throne, and take the coronation oath. Upon these conditions the crown has passed to each Hungarian king who has ascended the throne since the Pragmatic Sanction was executed. Charles's endeavours, however, to secure the peaceful possession of the empire for his daughter, Maria Theresa, did not meet with the expected success, for no sooner did she ascend the throne in 1740 than counter-claims were advanced on all sides, her territories were invaded, and hostile armies even approached her capital. The Queen fled to Presburg, and, appearing before the Diet with her infant son in her arms, she appealed to them for protection. and help. A burst of enthusiasm followed this appeal, and the shout was raised, Moriamur pro rege nostro, Maria Theresa'-let us die for our king, Maria Theresa. A powerful Hungarian army was speedily at her service, by means of which the aspect of affairs was speedily changed.

After the insurrection of 1848-49 was subdued with the assistance of Russia, Hungary was treated as a conquered province, and the greatest cruelties were practised on the people. The constitution, which had repeatedly before been partially disregarded and even temporarily suspended, but never actually abolished, was now declared to be forfeited, and this state of things continued down to 1860. In 1861 a Reichsrath was established for the whole empire, and Hungary invited to send representatives, but she declined doing so, claiming the right to an independent constitution. At length, in the beginning of 1867, the constitution of which she had been deprived in 1848 was restored to her, and on the 8th of June the Emperor and Empress were crowned King and Queen of Hungary at Pesth, amid great public rejoicings. On this occasion full pardon was decreed for all past political offences, confiscated estates were to be restored to all who had forfeited them, and liberty to return was accorded to all political refugees in foreign countries.

Hungary has the management of its own internal affairs entirely independent of Austria, the only bond of union between the two States being a common monarch and a body in which both States are equally represented, called the Delegations, which acts in matters equally affecting both countries, such as their relations with foreign countries, the army and navy, &c. The executive power is vested in the king, and the legislative conjointly in the King and the National Diet. This latter body consists of an Upper and a Lower House, the former known as the House of Magnates, the latter as the House of Deputies.

The Upper House is at present composed of three royal archdukes having estates in the country; five Roman Catholic archbishops and forty-four bishops; two archbishops, eight bishops, and two abbots of the Greek Catholic Church; twelve royal barons; three deputies from the Diet of Croatia-Slavonia; sixty-seven palatines; the governor of Fiume; twenty-six princes, 419 counts, 220 barons, and eight regalists of Transylvania. In October 1884 a bill was introduced by the Hungarian Government for the reform of the Upper House. It provided that only such magnates as are twenty-four years of age and pay taxes to the amount of 3,000 florins (300l.) annually, should be permitted to retain their seats, and that the vacancies thus created should be filled up by a number of new hereditary peers to be created by the King, and by the holders of certain civil and ecclesiastical offices; the King also to have the power to nominate, on the recommendation of the Cabinet, a certain number of life peers on account of distinguished services. The Lower House consists of 444 members, of whom eighty-four represent the towns, 329 the counties and rural districts, while thirty-nine are delegates from the Diet of Croatia-Slavonia. These are chosen directly by the electors (having a small property qualification) for a term of three years, and are summoned annually by the King to meet in Pesth. The president and vice-president of the House of Magnates are nominated by the King from among the members, while those of the House of Deputies are chosen by themselves. Besides acting as a legislative body in matters affecting the kingdom, the National Diet has the control within the same of finance, commerce, industries, religion, education, justice, post-office, railways, telegraphs, weights and measures, the army and the raising of recruits. These are under a president of council and eight ministries-namely, of the interior, religion and education, justice, finance, agriculture, industry and commerce, public works, national defence and the royal court at Vienna. The ministers are responsible to the Diet for the right performance of their duties.

The people of Austria had, as we have said, no voice in the government of the country down to the year 1848, if we except the shortlived attempt of Joseph the Second to establish a popular system of central government. The wave of revolution which passed over the greater part of Europe in 1848 effected great changes in Austria. The Emperor Ferdinand was forced to abdicate the throne, and his nephew Francis Joseph was proclaimed Emperor in his stead under the title of Francis Joseph the First, under whose wise administration all the subsequent changes have been carried out. The old form of government was abolished, and a constitutional government with popular representation established in its place. This, however, was of short duration, and absolutism, with a rigorous system of military rule, again prevailed. The war with Italy in 1859,

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