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Moore," as he has been called, the old Treasurer, | Senate. If we had been able to do so, and could

a popular man, and deservedly so, but identified with the party which approved the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Against him, the Republican candidate was Mr. Miller, who was elected by more than twenty-one thousand majority. Here, where there were but two candidates running, you see what was the public sentiment of that State on this issue. Although its electoral vote is cast for Mr. Buchanan, it is cast by a large minority of the voters of the State. So it is on the Congressional ticket; a majority of thousands is given for the Republican candidates. I protest that the State of Illinois never has endorsed and never will endorse the spread of Slavery over free Territories. The only difficulty which we had was in getting the people to decide upon that issue. The trouble was, that we could not bring up the opposite party to the advocacy of those doctrines which are proclaimed here in the

we have had the benefit in the State of Illinois,
during the canvass, of the speech which the Sena-
tor from Virginia has delivered here to-day, I
think that even the electoral vote of Illinois
(though so cast now by a minority of its voters)
would not have been cast for Mr. Buchanan.
I shall take another time, when I have had a
further opportunity to examine this message of
the President, to comment further upon it. On
the present occasion I will not longer detain the
Senate. My object in rising was chiefly to pro-
test against "the baseless assumptions" in this
message, and the (as I think) unwarranted as-
sumptions made by Senators here, when they un-
dertake to attribute to the great Republican party,
which sustained Colonel Fremont, any hostil-
ity to the rights of any of the States of this
Union, or to the institution of Slavery in any
of the States.

OF

HON. JOHN SHERMAN, OF OHIO.

ON

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE;

DELIVERED

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DECEMBER 8, 1856.

WASHINGTON:

PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

The House having under consideration the question of referring the President's Message to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and the printing of ten thousand copies thereof

Mr. SHERMAN said:

|| he misrepresents the principles and purposes of his political opponents. The ghost of his defeated hopes haunts him at every step, and he seeks to allay the phantom by ceaseless clamor. While writing a document for history his excited mind will not allow him to forget the appeals of the hour. It is true that some indulgence should be extended to him in view of his position. He came into power on a high wave of popular favor. The good wishes of all men accompanied him to the White House; and his promises in his first message quieted even the enmity of his opponents. They were as cheering as his hope was buoyant. He is about to retire, deserted by his own party, by his own State, and, I believe, by his own town. If, under these circmstances, his message had not shown some of the bitterness of disappointed ambition, it would not have been human; but few were prepared for such an exhi

Mr. SPEAKER: I had hoped that the slavery question would not have been thrust upon us during this session. The party with which I have the honor to act was willing to devote the short time until the close of this Congress to other pressing subjects which demand our legislative care; but the President and his supporters here are not content with this course. Upon the first day of the session we were called upon to pass upon the right of Mr. Whitfield to a seat here as Delegate from the Territory of Kansas. This depends entirely upon the validity of the enactments of what is known as the Shawnee Mission Legislature. The House, at the last session,bition of harmless resentment. judicially determined, after a full investigation, that these enactments are null and void, by reason of the illegality of the election of that body. When the question is again thrust upon us, the House promptly, without unnecessary debate, adhered to its previous decision. The Democratic party then resorted to the tactics of delay, and have already wasted one week of the session. Before this question is disposed of, the President sends us this extraordinary message. He does not content himself with performing his constitutional duty of giving to Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommending to its consideration such measures as he judges the rock upon which it has split. This is the necessary and expedient, but devotes one half cause of the troubles in Kansas, and the intense of his message to an arraignment of a great and excitement of the country. It is to explain, to growing party which the errors of his adminis-extenuate, to mystify the consequences of this tration have called into being. This course is unusual, and, I believe, is unprecedented; and if followed by his successors, will convert a document heretofore looked for by all our people as an impartial State paper, into a mere partisan manifesto.

Not only does the President embody in his message a stump speech in defense of his policy, but

It is only to so much of the message as relates to the slavery question that I wish now to call the attention of the House. The conduct of our foreign affairs has been chiefly intrusted to the able Secretary of State, and his direction evinces great sagacity and ability. The routine of the Department has been well enough; for the unbounded prosperity, and energy, and industry of our people have made the ordinary functions of the Government easy. But the gangrene which troubles the President was not occasioned by these, but by the repeal of the Missouri compromise. This was the great error of the Administration

error that the President repeats the stereotyped arguments of the recent campaign. Sir, the very existence of the Republican party, which the President so much deplores, is one of the effects of this measure. If it forebodes all the evils he predicts, remember that he rubbed the magic lamp which called it into being. The people of the northern States believe that the tendency and

does it in the form of an innuendo, that the pur pose which the Republican party has avowed is a mere pretense-that they are sailing under false colors. And this language is sent to this House, and we are expected to listen to it patiently, and not open our mouths in reply; and not only that, but to order thirty thousand or forty thousand extra copies to be distributed among the people. Not only does he make this imputation, but he charges us with entertaining sentiments and principles which the Republican party does not and never has entertained. That the charge may be true against individuals I need not deny. Much graver charges may be made against thousands who voted for Buchanan; but of these the President is as quiet as a lamb. He saves his unmannerly imputations for his political enemies. The great mass of the Republican party never held to any sentiment that affects or impairs the constitutional rights of the South. It is made up in a great measure of the conservative elements of the northern States-men of property, men of education, the farmers, mechanics, and laborers-every employment and trade has contributed to its numbers. Those who sanctioned the compromises of 1850, and plighted their faith to, and have observed them entire, heartily act with the Republican party, side by side with those who condemn those measures. Such are the men who compose that great and growing party of the northern States which, in its first contest, swept eleven of them for John C. Frémont, by majorities unparalleled in the political history of the country. These are the men-this is the party which the President of the United States arraigns as pretending to prevent the extension of slavery, but really actuated by an inflamed desire to interfere with slavery in the southern States.

design of this measure was to extend the sectional institution of slavery into free territory. Against this they protested. To make their protest effectual they formed themselves into a political organization. That this party is confined to the North is no fault of theirs, but rather a reproach to the South, by showing that there the sectional institution of slavery is stronger than parties, compromises, or compacts, when these interfere with their local interests. While the sentiment of opposition to the extension of slavery into the new Territories is universal with the new party, its members were from all the old parties, and embraced persons of opposite views upon the subject of slavery. Thus a very few perhaps not two thousand in the whole country, who were genuine Abolitionists, and believed that Congress had the power, and that it was its duty to abolish slavery in the States-sympathized with the new party; but, upon the adoption of the Republican platform at Philadelphia, the great majority of them went back to their old love, and supported Gerrit Smith. Of this class not as many voted for Fremont as there were avowed disunionists of a single State voting for Buchanan. There is another class of anti-slavery men, of much greater numbers, influence, and ability, who|| acted with the new party. They are those who believe that Congress has not only the power, but that it is its duty, to prohibit slavery in the District of Columbia and in the national dock-yards, and also the commerce in slaves between the several States. This class of citizens has been honestly, ably, and fearlessly represented on this floor by my distinguished colleague, [Mr. GIDDINGS,] and perhaps others. Such are their opinions now; but they are no more ingrafted upon the Republican platform than the recent doctrine of Governor Adams, of South Carolina, in favor of reopening the slave trade. The President has no more right to ascribe to the Republican party the views eferred to, than we would have to impute to the Democratic party the desire to reopen the slave trade. The great body of the one mil-with the relations existing between the white and lion three hundred thousand citizens who voted for Frémont are from the old Whig and Democratic parties, and a large majority of all acquiesced in the compromise of 1850. Their principle and purpose is, simply, opposition to the extension of slavery.

Sir, I say that this charge is unfounded. The people of Ohio-the State which I have the honor, in part, to represent on this floor-do not wish or design to interfere with slavery in any southern State. We do not wish or design to interfere

black races in the slave States. I have observed that the relations existing between these classes in the South are often more kindly in their character than those existing between the same classes in the northern States. But while this is true, the history of civilized nations in the past, the expeThese are simple facts known to every intelli-rience of the present age, the theory of our Govgent citizen, and only necessary to be here stated by reason of this singular message. In it the President arraigns the Republican party upon accusations utterly unfounded. It is very common for politicians to misstate the views and purpose of their opponents, and thus bring odium upon them. But it is not usual for the President of the United States to resort to such means, and yet, in this message, he has thus assailed the Republican party. He ascribes to it views that it never entertained, and charges it with purposes which it has again and again disavowed. Thus he says:

ernment, and the natural teachings of the human heart, condemn the institution of master and slave as being injurious to the master, and a crime against the slave. But while such are our convictions of the moral aspect of slavery, we recognize the exclusive right of every State to regulate this matter for itself; and we do not, and never did, claim the power to interfere.

Our claim is this, that in violation of the pledges. of the President made at the outset of his Administration, and in violation of the pledges and platforms of the two great parties of the country four years ago, the party acting with the President and his advisers repealed the Missouri compromise, for the purpose of extending slavery into a Territory where it was prohibited, and thus perpetrated what our sense of justice and honor tells us was an infamous wrong. That is all. That is the long and short of it; and it is the only cause The President here makes a charge, and hell which has called the Republican party into being

"Under the shelter of this great liberty, and protected by the laws and usages of the Government they assail, assoviduals who, pretending to seek only to prevent the spread of the institution of slavery into the present or future in choate States of the Union, are really inflamed with desire to change the domestic institutions of the existing States."

ciations have been formed in some of the States of indi

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