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Chairmen Chairmen Democrats

Foreign Relations..

States. States. Americans.

licans.

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Committees. from free from slave and South Repub- slavery into the Territories, and there give it a legal existence, and you drive out free white labor-for the reason that slave labor so degrades free white labor that the two cannot exist together. This attempt, on the part of the South, to give slavery a legal protection in the Territories is nothing less than an attempt to exclude the people of the free States from the public domain, and usurp the common property of all the States, and dispose of the same for the exclusive benefit of the slave power.

Finance.

Virginia, 5
Virginia, 6

Commerce

Wisconsin,

5

Military Affairs.....California,

6

Naval Affairs.....

Florida,

Texas,

Post Office and Post

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Arkansas,
S. Carolina, 6
Mississippi, 5

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Every slave State is represented on the above committees, while three of the sovereign States of this Union, to wit: Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, who have six Senators upon that floor, are entirely disfranchised, and excluded from all these important committees. Of these ten Looking over the past, it will be seen that committees seven have chairmen from the South whenever an insulted people have resisted the and three from the North. Of the fifty-nine places usurpations of tyrants, they have always been upon these committees, thirty-six are from the met with the cry of " Agitation!" I shall go inte slave States and twenty-three from the free States. no argument to prove that the President himself, Virginia has her two Senators placed at the head and those who were engaged with him in the of the two most important committees in the Sen-repeal of the Missouri compact, have been the ate, while old Massachusetts is entirely kicked out of the ring. This is illustrating the doctrine of "equality of States" with a vengeance. Then look at the magnanimity, the boundless liberality of the "equality" party of this country, in allowing or permitting six Republicans out of fiftynine on these ten committees, to be placed at or near the tail end of a portion of the same.

direct cause of all the slavery agitation that has existed in this country for the last two years. The whole thing sticks to him and his aiders and abettors like the leprosy of Naaman, and not all the waters that run upon the face of God's heritage can ever wash it out. The impartial historian, as he records the events of his administration, will write it down against him; and in the invisible But it is contended by southern politicians, that future, like a spectral ghost, it will travel with unless they can carry their slaves into the Terri-him side by side down the tide of time, until both tories, and there hold them as slaves, they are the man and his acts are blotted out from the not on terms of equality with the people of the memory of mankind. free States. I have no time to argue the constitutional question herein involved, and it is not necessary to an answer to this assumption. You desire to carry your slaves into the common Territories. Very well; the people of the North do not interfere with you in doing that. You go another step, and say you can legally hold them there as slaves; but the question immediately arises, by what authority? And here southern men entirely disagree. Some say slaves can be holden in the Territories by the operation of the Constitution; others contend that they are holden in spite of the Constitution; while a third class carry the doctrine of State sovereignty to such extremes that they carry the local laws of the

States into the Territories with them.

Section two of article four of the Constitution of the United States, which you so often quote

to remind northern men of their constitutional duties, settles this whole thing against you. "No person held to service or labor in one State, UNDER THE LAWS THEREOF, escaping into another," &c., &c. Here the Constitution expressly declares, that "persons" (which southern gentlemen construe to mean slaves) are held by virtue of State law; and if you can carry your local laws out of a State into other territory, then you need no "fugitive slave law" to reclaim your slaves; and this section of the Constitution is not only unnecessary, but substantially void.

Slaveholders accuse the people of the North of a desire to exclude their slave property from the Territories, and call this "State inequality;" and yet they would drive the free laborers of the North from the Territories, and occupy them exclusively themselves, and call this "State equality.” Carry||

The President, in his labored argument in favor of the repeal of the Missouri restriction, says:

"Congress legislated upon the subject in such terms as were most consonant with the principle of popular sovereignty which underlies our Government."

And then substantially avers that the people approved the repeal and adopted the principle embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill in the recent presidential election.

So far from this being true, the Democratic party has no settled opinion as to the extent or limitation of the "principle" of squatter sovereignty; and its leading members are to-day at loggerheads all over the country as to what the section in the Nebraska bill means. Squatter sovereignty North is one thing, and squatter sovereignty South is quite another; and they are so diametrically opposed to each other that they never can be made to harmonize. To place this desire to read from several speeches made during matter right before the House and the country, I the present session, by leading members in the ular sovereignty is fully discussed. I will first Democratic party, in which this question of popquote certain extracts defining "squatter sovereignty" South.

An honorable Senator from Tennessee [Mr. JONES] in a recent speech in the Senate, when speaking of the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, says:

"I regretted, Mr. President, that the Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. BIGLER,] who addressed the Senate at question and bring it here, knowing, as he must have length on this subject, felt it to be his duty to take up that known, that it is one about which there is great difference."

Another honorable Senator, [Mr. MASON, of Virginia,] in a speech the present session, said:

"The Kansas bill was intended to delegate to the occupants of the Territories whatever power Congress possessed over all subjects of rightful legislation; but of course it could delegate no more; and when we denied that Congress possessed any power to legislate on the subject of slavery, we of course denied that the Territorial Legislature could have it, because Congress could not delegate what it did not possess."

Another distinguished Senator, [ex-Governor BROWN, of Mississippi,] in an elaborate speech in the Senate a few days since, said:

"In my opinion, squatter sovereignty is a misnomer, and territorial sovereignty a humbug. I understand, sir, what is meant by State sovereignty; and in my opinion there is no other kind of sovereignty existing in this country: Squatter sovereignty, territorial sovereignty, and popular sovereignty, (when applied to the Territories,) all belong to the same category, and they are all political absurdities in my opinion."

In this body, since the present session commenced, a distinguished gentleman, [Colonel ORR, of South Carolina,] in defining his position, said:

tory, through their Legislature, to legislate upon the question of slavery, says:

"I hold my position to be the correct one, that the people have the right to determine the question, for the time being, when they are organized into a territorial government." * "This question is within their control from the time the organic act is passed and put into operation." Democracy South denies that Congress, under the Constitution, has any power to legislate upon the subject of slavery in the Territories, and consequently cannot delegate a power it does not itself possess to the people of a Territory.

Democracy North admits that Congress has this power, that it can confer it upon the people of a Territory, and that they through their local Legislature can exercise it.

In the controversy now going on between the Democratic and Republican parties upon this question, the Democracy North admit away their whole case. They admit the power contended for by the Republicans; and the only remaining question between them is one of expediency, whether it shall be exercised by Congress or transferred to the people of the Territories.

"I am one of those who do not believe in the doctrine of squatter sovereignty. I do not believe that the KansasBut Democracy South lays down the doctrine, Nebraska bill establishes or recognizes squatter sovereignty within the limits of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska; that the Constitution, proprio vigore, carries slavery and the process of reasoning by which I reach that result into the Territories. Their position is simply this: is, that I see no authority in the Constitution of the United that the Constitution operates to protect and legalize States which authorizes Congress to pass the Wilmot pro-slavery in all the Territories during their whole terviso or any anti-slavery restrictions in the Territories."

An honorable member from Georgia, [Mr. CRAWFORD,] in a recent speech, said:

"I hold it is important that a Territorial Legislature shall not exercise a power which is both unjust and unconstitutional. The only time at which sovereign power can be exercised by the people of a Territory is in the formation of a State government, and at no other."

Another honorable gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. McMULLIN,] in a colloquy with Hon. H. MARSHALL, of Kentucky, when speaking of the opinions of Senator MASON, of Virginia, said:

He and every member from Virginia upon this floor repudiate the doctrine of squatter sovereignty as promul

gated by General Cass."

I will now call attention to the definition of squatter sovereignty North, as given by two distinguished Democrats at the present session, representing the northern wing of their party.

First, I will read a colloquy in the Senate, and call especial attention to the opinions therein expressed by an honorable Senator from Pennsylvania, [Mr. BIGLER:]

"Mr. WADE. Does Mr. Buchanan believe that the people

of a Territory, while in a territorial state, have the power to exclude slavery?

"Mr. BIGLER. I cannot answer the Senator as to Mr.

Buchanan's views of the constitutional question. I can give my own, if the Senator is willing to hear them. "Mr. WADE. Well, let us have your opinions, if you please.

"Mr. BIGLER. There can be no difference of opinion as to what the Kansas-Nebraska bill means. Its terms are explicit. It confers upon the people of the Territory all the law-making power which Cougress possesses under the Constitution. If the authority delegated be sufficient, the people have a law-making power equal to any question. This is a point, however, as to the meaning of the Constitution of the United States. My construction of that instrument certainly is of very little importance, but still I am willing to express it. I am of opinion that the people through their local Legislature have that power. I arrive at this conclusion, because I can see but two sources of law-making power for a Territory-the one, Congress; and the other, the people. I hold that, when Congress has conferred upon the people of a Territory all the law-making power which it possesses under the Constitution, the power is complete in the people, equal to the question of domestic slavery, or any other subject."

An honorable gentlemen from Indiana, [Mr. ENGLISH,] who is a leading member of the Democratic party, in a late speech in this House, when referring to the right of the people of a Terri

without power, but are absolutely prevented by ritorial existence, and that the people are not only the Constitution from legislating, or otherwise protecting themselves against its introduction or existence. Every intelligent man knows the "domestic institutions of a Territory are formed" long before the time when they form a constitution preparatory to admission as a State. Hence the people of a Territory, instead of being left "perfectly free," have the institution of slavery forced upon them, with no power, on their part, to resist, until it is too late to make resistance of any practical benefit.

Northern Democrats preach "squatter sovereignty" with an apparent show of fairness: souththe substance. There is one thing certain, this ern Democrats hold up the shadow, but scout at miserable humbug has had its day. The delusion has been practiced upon the people in the free States for the last time. Northern Democrats will hereafter be compelled by the South totally and unqualifiedly to abandon the doctrine of popular sovereignty-their only practical weapon of defense in the free States. They will yield, as they always have done; and this surrender will be an end of the old Democratic party in every free State in the Union.

8. I shall have time only to notice very briefly one other charge made by the President against the North and the Republican party. In speaking of the troubles in Kansas, he says:

"But the difficulties in that Territory have been extravagantly exaggerated for purposes of political agitation elsewhere. The number and gravity of the acts of violence have been magnified partly by statements entirely untrue, and partly by reiterated accounts of the same rumors or facts."

This is a dignified imputation from the Chief Magistrate of a great nation, but it does not attain to the dignity of originality. It is a plagiarism-an idea caught up by the President from the "hustings," the stump, and the barbecue, without giving due credit for its authorship-a rehash of an old worn-out, exploded philippic, almost everywhere made by the supporters of Mr. Buchanan in the late canvass.

The President says the Kansas troubles have

been "extravagantly magnified," and then charges the people of the North with direct falsehood— and that these falsehoods have been "reiterated" over and again, and all for political effect. No wonder the President labors long and hard in this part of his message to conceal his own guilt in relation to the infamous and damnable wrongs and outrages that have been committed against the free-State men of Kansas within the two last years. What would he not give to blot out from the history of his Administration that "bloody page" which will go down to posterity a burning disgrace upon the American name-a "hissing and a by-word" in the mouths of all who hate our free institutions?

time that he occupied that position, civil war reigned in Kansas, every day threatening to involve the whole nation in the same bloody strife. Governor Geary confirms this, when he says: "Both parties were actually marching to meet each other in fratricidal strife, each resolved upon the utter extermination of the other as the only hope of peace."

It was not only "war," but the most horrible of all wars-a war of "utter extermination." With these tragic scenes passing before him, threatening the very existence of the Union, the President retained Shannon in office month after month, nor did he remove him until compelled by the friends of Mr. Buchanan to save him and his party from irretrievable political ruin.

Why were Lecompte and Donelson kept in office until the President was put in an extremity by Governor Geary, and obliged to listen to his wishes in ridding the people of Kansas from their bloody misrule?

Sir, these things have not been done in a corner. The eagle eyes of the whole American people have been upon them. The blood of the murdered citizens of Kansas" cries from the ground" against this national Administration, while their spectral ghosts rise up from their graves, point to the President, and in the low murmurings of the dead declare, "Thou art the man.'

A word as to the allusions of the President with

Sir, it is too late for the President to turn special pleader, and undertake to deny the facts by technical shifts. The President, and not the people, has already been tried upon the main issue, and pronounced guilty; but if it were otherwise he is "estopped" by his own acts. The fields of Kansas are still red with the blood of its citizens, murdered by the minions of his Administration under the color of law. Her buildings have been fired and burnt to the ground under the mockery of judicial authority. Her territory has been invaded by armed mobs; and the "Goths and Vandals" of the nineteenth century have usurped by brute force the elective rights of her citizens. Her public rivers, nature's great high-reference to the defeat of the Republican party, ways, have been for months blocked up by rob- and I have done. If the President supposes the bers and highwaymen, who have killed, plun- Republican party dead, he is greatly mistaken. dered, and robbed peaceable and quiet citizens Senator Brown, of Mississippi, in his speech in passing down their waters, hunting them down the Senate, to which I have before referred, when like dogs in the streets. Citizens of Kansas, for speaking of this party, said: the enormous crime of defending their lives, the lives of their wives and children from rapine and murder, have been seized by the paid tools of this Administration, dragged into fetid cells, and even left to sicken and die amid the pestilential vapors of their loathsome dungeons. Laws that The Republican party was not founded for a would have disgraced the darkest day of the dark- single campaign. Its mission is to bring back the est age that ever had an existence since the light Federal Government to the principles and policy of civilization first dawned upon the footstool of of the early fathers. Although it is scarcely a the Almighty, have been forced upon the people year since it was formally organized, its princi of Kansas by this Administration. "Extrava-ples to-day are in the ascendency in a majority of gantly exaggerated?" I call to the stand Governor Geary, one of the President's own witnesses, and will let him answer this unjust arraignment of the people of the North. In a letter to the "Pennsylvania Buchanan and Breckinridge Club," dated Lecompton, November 27, 1856, and published in the Washington Union of December 12, he says:

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"We cannot close our eyes to the light that is before us. We have seen this party rise from a little, despised band, and grow stronger and stronger, until it marches in triumph through twelve northern States, and is defeated in the remaining four by a vote so close as to make our vie tory over it almost a defeat."

the States of this Union. It has taken its posi tion, and its opponents may as well understand now, as hereafter, that it takes no backward steps.

These thirty-one States contain one million four hundred and sixty-four thousand one hundred and five square miles, and the Territories without these States contain one million four hundred and seventy-two thousand and sixty-five-a territory larger than all the States put together.

"When I accepted my present position the whole country was convulsed by scenes daily enacted in Kansas, and many Whether these vast Territories shall hereafter good men looked on with apprehensions for the safety of be the abodes of the free or the enslaved; whether the Union." * "The bitterness of feeling the woodman's ax shall break the solitudes of upon my advent here was greater than I had anticipated, or can be imagined by persons not witnessing it. Both parties the forest in the hands of nature's nobleman, the had prepared for war, and were actually marching to meet free laborer, or be plied by the degraded African, each other in fratricidal strife, each resolved upon the extermination of the other as the only hope of peace. are questions of no ordinary magnitude and im"I will not recount the horrors and outrages committed in portance. This great question, the extension of the past upon this soil; my heart sickens at the contempla-slavery into free territory, has been raised by the

tion."

Sir, the wrongs done the people of Kansas, instead of having been "exaggerated," never have been half told.

South, and it will be manfully met by the North. Yes, gentlemen of the South, we meet you with a bold front upon this great battle-ground. Our fathers toiled on through the perils and conflicts The special pleading of the President, that he of the Revolution to make this land a home for has not been responsible for these wrongs, will the free. They bequeathed to us the grand princinot avail him. What are the facts? When Gov-ples of liberty, so vividly portrayed in the Declaernor Reeder undertook to administer the government with equal fairness to all parties, the slave power demanded his removal, and the President yielded and removed him, and Wilson Shannon was appointed in his place. During the whole

ration of Independence and the Constitution of our common country. We will revere their memories-we will listen to their voices coming up from their shadowy graves from a thousand battle-fields: "My sons scorn to be slaves."

SPEECH

or

SENATOR DOUGLAS, OF ILLINOIS,

ON THE

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE,

DELIVERED

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,

DECEMBER 9, 1857.

WASHINGTON:

PRINTED BY LEMUEL TOWER

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