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It seems to me almost puerile, that the President of | done. I have never heard any threats of that the United States should come before us, and tell | kind. I do not understand that they now prous that on this question hangs the permanency of pose to do so. That argument they leave to Tour institutions. It cannot be, sir. Our institutions do not hang on any such feeble chain as that. They hang on another chain. They hang on the golden chain of mutual advantage. That is the chain on which they are suspended-the mutual advantage of the different sections of this country. That I believe will forever sustain the Union.

They do not ask you now to restore the compromise of 1820. That of course is now out of the question. They ask a practical recognition of it. But they are not only not permitted to go that length, but they are not permitted to go so far as to claim that the people of the Territory of Kansas shall settle the question for themselves. A But, sir, we are told that a pledge has been large portion of the people think that Congress given, and pledges are not to be violated. A never ought to admit Kansas as a slave State under pledge, it seems, was made in 1854, and the peo- any possible circumstances; but the course of ple of the northern States of the Union are now events has changed the aspects of the question. It violating a pledge! They are aggressive, and is not now a question of that kind; but it is, as I they are violating pledges! Why, sir, the Union have already indicated, a question as to whether newspaper, this morning, if I may allude to the the people of the Territory shall be permitted to passing events of the day, spoke of a pledge made decide for themselves what their State governin the year 1854 by the people of the United States ment shall be. I scarcely know of any difference with regard to the question of slavery. I wish to of opinion in the North on that point. take this occasion to say, that instead of making a pledge at that time not to violate the legislation of 1854, there was a general protest. Your old parties were broken up; it destroyed the vestiges, the fragments of the old parties, with the exception of the Democratic party; and I think that is pretty thoroughly demoralized by this time. Instead of making a pledge for that purpose, there was another pledge made. There was a determination expressed that the territory included within the compromise of 1820, which had then been ceded to freedom, which belonged to freedom by every title, human and divine, should never, with the consent of the people of the North, be converted into slave territory, It was free then; it had been declared free by the acts of southern men; their leading statesmen had acquiesced in this disposition of the territory; it originated with them; Mr. Calhoun had acquiesced in it; Mr. Monroe and his whole Cabinet had acquiesced in it. The people of the North said we will never consent that that territory shall be made slave territory so long as we can prevent it. They did not say that they would dissolve the Union if it was

If this is persisted in; if it is insisted upon that the people of that Territory shall not be permitted to express their opinions, my belief is that there will be a unanimity on this subject at the North, such as has never been witnessed on any question before. It is not now merely a question of slavery; it is not so considered. There are hundreds and thousands who never have taken much interest in the question of slavery, who do feel an interest in the question whether the people of the Territory of Kansas shall be permitted to say for themselves whether slavery shall exist there. They see here a determination to force on that people a constitution which they not only never have adopted, but which they have rejected; and they be lieve that ought to be resisted to the end, and if need be to the bitter end, however bitter that may be.

But, sir, I have no desire to occupy the attention of the Senate further on the subject. I have already trespassed longer than I intended, and with my thanks to the Senate for their attention I will now close.

WASHINGTON, D. C.

BUELL & BLANCHARD, PRINTERS.

1858.

The Kansas Constitution.

6 Brompthers

ень

HON. CYDNOR B. TOMPKINS, OF OHIO.

Delivered in the U. S. House of Representatives, February 18, 1858.

to that compact, that such States should be admitted; if not expressed, it was certainly im plied, that such States should be admitted. If this was the understanding, national faith would have required their admission.

Mr. Chairman, I avail myself of this oppor, I think it was the understanding of the parties tunity to discuss what is familiarly known as the Kansas question; and, in connection with that, the exciting question of Slavery. If these subjects are disagreeable to a portion of this Committee, I nevertheless feel it to be my privilege-my imperative duty-as one of the representatives of the people of the great State of Ohio, to speak my opinions to-day upon these subjects. That they are here now for discussion is no fault of mine, or of those whom I have the honor to represent; and if the country is rent with dissensions, if this Government is ultimately overthrown and destroyed, I can certainly quote the great master of nature with as much propriety as did the distinguished member from New York, [Mr. HASKIN,] on this floor, a few days since:

"Thou canst not say I did it; never shake Thy gory locks at me."

Twice the free States of this Union have submitted to the unreasonable demands of Slavery, and humiliated themselves for the sake of peace. But to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise they never have submitted quietly, and I know they never will. The contest has now begun, and I say,

"Lay on, Macduff!

And damn'd be him that first cries, hold! enough!" I am opposed to the admission of Kansas as one of the States of this Union with her present Constitution. The paramount reason is, this Constitution establishes and sustains Slavery. I shall oppose her admission with her present Constitution. It is wholly immaterial to me whether that Constitution has been submitted to the people of the Territory for their sanction or not. I will not at this time stop to inquire whether it meets the approbation of the present inhabitants. The time was when I would have felt justified in voting for the admission of a State with a Slavery Constitution, if it was formed out of territory south of 36° 30′ north atitude, that belonged to this Government at he time the Missouri Compromise was adopted,

But by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise the obligation ceased. I feel that every man in this country is free to act as his conscience may dictate. By the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, "the gauntlet is thrown at once." The Republican party have accepted the gage, and the contest is between Freedom and Sla very. The contest is an unequal one. The Republican party is unaided by Government patronage or Government influence. For the last four years, the Slavery party in this country has had the countenance and support of the President of the United States. The army of the nation, and not only that, but the judicial its powers, and is willing to "grind in the prison department of the Government, has prostituted house" at the behest of this political Delilah. The Supreme Court certainly has shown itself quite as willing to enter the service of Slavery as the most ultra friend of the institution could desire.

It is true, however, that the late decision of the court has changed the opinion of no man upon the the rights of the slaveholder. It has only changed the opinions men may have enter tained in regard to the individuals who constitute that court. Some persons may have supposed that they were too independent and up. right to shape their legal opinions to suit any political party; but if there were any such per sons prior to the decision of the Dred Scott case, there are none such now. It is a melancholy reflection for freemen, that the department of this Government that we looked to as the rock of safety, and that we expected to stand as a wall of fire between Freedom and Slavery, has shown itself more subservient to Slavery than any other department of the Government.

The other departments have usually waited, I believe, until an opportunity offered-until there has been a show of pretence for their aid. They have not rendered their services without being requested to do so. But the judicial department, in this instance, voluntarily stepped out of its way, in violation of all precedent, and on the hill-tops it now shamelessly proclaims its prostitution to the world.

I have said there is now to be a contest between Freedom and Slavery; and I am proud to say that the great Republican party of the country, of which I am but an humble member, stands forth as the champion of Freedom and the rights of man. I will say now, that I claim no right to interfere with Slavery in the States where it exists; neither does the Republican party, as a body, claim any such right. I do not desire to interefere with it in the States. But I avow that I have a legal, constitutional right to resist the extention of Slavery into any free territory belonging now to this Government; and no earthly power in existence can deprive me of it. I have already said that I am free from all national obligations to vote for the extension of Slavery into any of the Territories belonging to this Government; and I will resist its extention whenever and wherever I choose to do so. This is the doctrine, I believe, that was inaugurated three years ago, and is now contended for by a very large majority of Anti-Slavery men in this country. I avail myself of this opportunity to say that there really are but two parties in this country. There is the Slavery party and the Anti-Slavery party. There really is no Democratic party. There is a party that, out of personal respect and courtesy, we call the Democratic party. But it this day has no separate and distinct existence. It has been swallowed up, utterly absorbed, by the Slavery party. I do not say this by way of insult, or to make myself offensive to any one, but I say it because truth and candor require it because things that are transpiring every day before our eyes carry this conviction home to the heart.

Before proceeding to state the reasons why Icam opposed to the extension of Slavery, I desire to refer to one charge that is made against the Republican party of this country. That is the charge of Abolitionism. I care nothing about the charge personally, neither do I presume that any member of the party does; but I refer to it because some honest men may be drawn away from us because this charge is made I refer, also, to another charge that is mada against us—that is, that we contend for negro equality. I say now, most emphatically, that the Republican party is not an Abolitionist party; that we have never at any time made any attempt to raise the black man to an equal ity with the whites. There may be men that now vote with the Republican party that were called Abolitionists, but they have not indoctrinated it with their opinions or their creeds.

These charges are not made because any intelligent man believes them. There is no is telligent man but knows them to be utterly false, and without any foundation whatever. These charges are made by designing demagogues, to mislead the ignorant, and to excite a prejudice in the minds of the vulgar and the depraved. The black man nowhere has such fierce and deadly foes as in the wretched, ignerant, and depraved, of earth. The more wretched and degraded a white man may be the more deadly he hates and despises a negro; for the reason, he is fearful the negro is better than himself, and therefore comes in competi tion with him for the esteem of respectable white men. Hence you will hear the detestable wretch, with bloated face, blood shot eyes, seared and blistered lips, with ragged and tattered garments, screaming at the top of his voice, "Abolitionists!"

This charge has had the effect to drive all the ignorant away from us; and many wellmeaning men refuse to vote for our candidates, because they think we are really Abolitionists, in the full sense of the term. We have also been unable to hold another class of men—mea who regard themselves as the aristocracy of the North. They found that the industrions ye men, the skillful mechanics, and the hardy sons of toil, who constitute a very large proportion of the Republican party, had no sympathy and feelings with them. They have gone to the only aristocracy there is in this country. The Republican party may rejoice that it is freed from such dead weight; they would be worse than a millstone about its neck. In resisting the extension of Slavery, I make no appeals to the slaveholders, to excite their sympathy in behalf of the enslaved and oppressed. This has been done so frequently, and without any effect, that they have become hardened; so that nothing but the "bursting of volcanoes or the crush of the riven world" could move them. I indulge in no sentimentality for the slave; I can do him no good. While I say this, I say that I believe Slavery to be the greatest moral evil that can exist. "It is the monarch of crimes, and the jewels that adorn its crown are tears and blood." I oppose it because of the grest wrong that it does to the white race. It deprives white labor of its just reward. It builds up no middle class of intelligent farmers, artisans, and mechanics, who constitute the real strength, who make the real wealth, and are justly the pride and glory of the free States. Where Slsvery is, there will, of course, be a class of welleducated, refined, and accomplished menthere will be refined society; and so there is in many of the despotisms in Europe.

But the proportion of educated men in the slave States, I presume, is not by any mesna equal to those in the free States. The South has produced some great statesmen-men of whom the country may justly be proud; but, as a general thing, they were to

"Titles born, reputation and luxurious life."

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I do not denounce slaveholders as a class. There are many honest and just men among them-men of benevolence and kindness of heart; but the system is demoralizing, and must, to a greater or less degree, demoralize the country where it exists. I oppose it, because it oppresses the poor; because it deprives labor of its just reward; it deprives the poor of the means of education; it degrades labor, the only means of producing wealth in this or any other country. Where Slavery exists, the road to honor and fame is hedged up from the poor, and they never can free themselves from those "twin jailors of the daring heart, low birth and iron fortune." There is nothing "to lure them on to those inspiring toils by which man mas ters men."

The members on this floor who condemn the President and sustain Walker, are, I believe, the advocates of Slavery. They want Central America, because they want to extend the dominions of Slavery. I presume no man believes, that if Walker had been engaged in making war upon Canada, that the Slavery advocates would have justified him in his lawless adventure! The walls of this Hall would have trembled under their denunciations against him.

But there is still a greater reason than these, than any or all of them, against its extension. There can be no freedom for white men, where black men are held as slaves. In the slave States of this Union, men are to-day deprived of the liberty of speech and the freedom of the press. You may boast of your Constitu I oppose the extension of Slavery into the tion guarantying to every man this right; but Territories of this Government, because, if this the Constitution has not the strength of a rope institution is permitted to go there, the intelli- of sand. It is trampled under foot by the gent free laborers of this country never will mob. In the Southern States of this Union, consent to live with slaves; the free States will unless the mob will permit it. I saw a man no man can exercise the freedom of speech, be deprived of their just and equal rights in the last winter, in Columbus, Ohio, who was a man Territories; these Territories never will add anything to the real greatness of the country; professor in a literary college, (as I was inof education and refinement, who had been a But I believe, if these Territories are occupied formed,) who was driven out of the State of only by freemen, a great people will ultimately North Carolina, because he declared that he grow up in them, surpassing in power and glory desired the election of Fremont, as President anything the world has ever seen. I am opposed of the United States. Because he exercised to Slavery, because the white inhabitants where the freedom of speech-a right inestimable it exists live in constant dread and alarm. They to freemen, and formidable to tyrants only;" know not but they are slumbering on a volcano, for declaring his sentiments upon one of the that in a moment may overwhelm them with destruction. great political questions of the day-an infuri ated mob collected together, and compelled him to flee for his life. He was driven from his native State, from his kinsmen, his friends, and his home; he had to go forth, a wanderer in the earth. Well might he say, with Bertram : "I have no country; that dear name

Who has not heard with horror, whose blood has not curdled in his veins, whose heart has not sickened, at the recital of the butcheries of Nat Turner and his murderous crew, when the blood of tender and innocent children drenched the soil of the Old Dominion? Then, orators and statesmen awakened from their long lethargy, and hurled their denunciations at the institution, until they shook its very foundation. But the cry of the murdered innocents has passed away upon hollow winds. Their pure spirits have ascended to the throne of God. Their mortal bodies have mouldered away in the silent tomb. The learned statesmen and eloquent orators are now silent; and the people of the Old Dominion are te day nursing the viper in their bosoms with more tender solici. tude than they ever did before. I oppose Slavery, because it advocates and justifies the fitting out of military expeditions, and makes war upon weak and defenceless people, with whom we are at peace. Although it was said on this floor, since the commencement of the present Congress, that the Nicaraguan question had no negroes connected with it-that there were no negroes in that country-with all due respect for the persons who entertain that opinion, I say, there would have been no discus sion on this floor about the capture of Walker, had it not been for the question of Slavery.

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Comprises home, kind kindred, fostering friends, Protecting laws! But none of these are mine." It will be recollected that a respectable minister of the Gospel from the State of Virginia attended the Republican Convention held in Philadelphia, in 1856, and, for doing this, never was permitted to return to his home, and was compelled to seek refuge from violence in one of the free States. Such things are, I presume, of frequent occurrence in the slave States; if they are not, it is because no man there has the temerity to associate with Republicans, or to attend their Conventions. I saw a man within the last six weeks, who resides in the State of Virginia. He said that he had no doubt but that, if Fremont had been elected President of the United States, the country would have been quite as well off as it is with the present incumbent. "But," said he, “I dare not say that at home." Thus it is the mouths of freemen are stopped; yet those that do it will taunt the Republican party with being a sectional party, when they know no man entertaining free sentiments and free opinions would be permitted to live amongst them.

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