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The House having under consideration the question of referring the President's Message to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and the printing of ten thousand copies thereof

Mr. CUMBACK said:

Republican press? Do they find it in the avowed platform of principles of the party? Do they find it in the speeches of the acknowledged leaders and expounders of our political faith? No, sir, they find it nowhere; and their attempts to adduce the proof has been a most total failure, and the defense of that part of the message has been entirely abandoned. On the contrary, when the members of that party met to announce their purposes, and select their candidates for the contest, they unanimously promulgated this resolution as one of their patriotic purposes:

Resolved, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, are essential to the preservation of our republican institinions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, shall be preserved.

Mr. SPEAKER: I do not propose to occupy all the time that is allowed me by the rules of the House in presenting what I desire to say in relation to this most extraordinary message, and the not less remarkable manner in which the friends of the Administration have attempted to defend it. I am not one of those who think this discussion unprofitable. It certainly has already disclosed the fact that the presidential canvass has settled no great principles-that on the great living question of the times, we are as much at sea as before. The election of the successful candidates has been advocated in one section of the Now, sir, I undertake to say, fearless of sucUnion by claiming for them that slavery would cessful contradiction, a resolution so explicit in be extended into Kansas; while in the other sec- favor of the Union as the one I have just read, tion, on the banners of the same party, were could not have passed the convention at Cincinemblazoned "Buchanan and Breckinridge and nati unanimously. The Union at all hazards and free Kansas;" and already we find that there is a under all circumstances, is not the sentiment of a want of harmony among the victors. It cannot large portion of the Democratic party in the South. be said that this discussion was brought on by It is with them the Union with provisoes and the act of those on this side of the House. The conditions. The Republicans intend, notwithPresident, who has become the arch-agitator of standing, that the Union shall be preserved; and this question, is responsible for this renewed they will not suffer the fanaticism of the South to debate, for we are not of that craven spirit that remove a single pillar from the temple of American we will sit silently by, and have our motives im- liberty. I commend the President, then, when pugned, and our objects willfully misrepresented.he proposes to read lectures to those unfaithful For his assault upon the motives, the integrity, the patriotism of those who cast their votes against the extension of slave labor and in favor of protecting free labor, we have arraigned him.

in profession or practice to the Union of these States, that he turn his face to the South; that he rebuke the Democratic journals in the South that are openly disunion in their professions; that he He charges that the Republican party, now admonish sharply that class of politicians who numbering near a million and a half of the most make the threadbare threat, that when the governpatriotic and intelligent sons of our common ment shall pass out of the hands of the slavecountry, are wanting in fidelity to the Constitu-ocracy into the hands of the free laboring masses, tion, and desire to overturn the Union of these


That charge on his part is entirely gratuitous, and without the shadow of foundation in truth. I ask his friends for the proof. We have interposed our flattest denial. Do they find it in the

that they will not submit. "Physician, heal thyself," is a religious admonition that the President would do well to remember.

But, again, the President charges that the million and a half of the best and purest men of the country who have banded themselves together

for the good and peace of the Union, for the interest of the free white laborer, for the protection of the dignity, respectability, and value of free labor, are hypocrites-dishonest men; that they pretend to be in favor of one purpose, while in fact and in truth they are laboring for a totally different object. He says that while we are pretending" to be in favor of the non-extension of slavery, we really desire to interfere with it in the States where it exists.

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This misrepresentation is willful, and we have arraigned him for it; and gentlemen on the other side of the House have entered their appearance in his defense. What, sir, are the means used to rescue the President from the dilemma into which he has deliberately placed himself? What is the proof adduced in support of the message? It is of that character that only serves to convince the world of the falsity of the President's position and the feebleness of the defense. They come and produce as proof, not the platform of principle of the Republicans-not the speeches of avowed leaders, or the statements of the Republican press but the opinions of a few individuals, and charge that to the Republican party, and urge it as a defense of the President. I hold this failure on their part to sustain the President, as well as the misstatements and falsity of this message, to be the highest possible commendation of the principles of the Republican party. The President dare not attempt to base his charges upon the avowed principles of the party, or dare his defenders attempt his justification in the same honest and manly way.

But, on the contrary, he erects his man of straw, makes out a platform of principles from his own imagination, and then, with an air of triumph, proceeds to destroy his own creation, Feeble would he be, indeed, if he were not able for such an effort. [Laughter.]

Suppose we were to hold the so-called Democracy responsible for the individual sentiments of men prominent in their councils, (and certainly they will accord to us the same right thus to reason and conclude that they have adopted themselves,) we could prove that their party was rank with disunion. We could show that the slave trade was a cardinal doctrine of that party; we could establish beyond doubt that they were in favor of polygamy, slavery, and murder. Ah, indeed, sir, what in the dark catalogue of human folly and wickedness could we not fasten upon them? But, sir, I scorn to resort to such logic. I regret that such a tone of argument has been introduced here-it is unworthy the American

sage. He charges that we desire to attack the "outposts of slavery." If, indeed, slavery has outposts beyond the limits of the slave States, I know not where they are, or how they constitutionally exist; but if the gentleman means that it is our purpose to prevent slavery from planting its outposts upon soil consecrated to freedom, then, indeed, he comprehends our purpose. We have no attack to make upon slavery, but will defend and maintain the outposts of freedom wherever they are, and at whatever cost. That, sir, is our whole purpose, and that, by the help of God, we will accomplish. "But," says the same gentleman," what will be the consequence if you hem us in, and confine us to the limits of the slave States?" The able colleague of the gentleman [Mr. WARNER] took the same position last session, which I will present:

"There is not a slaveholder in this House or out of it, but who knows perfectly well that, whenever slavery is coudoomed; it is only a question of time as to its final destrucfined within certain special limits, its future existence is tion. You may take any single slaveholding county in the southern States, in which the great staples of cotton and sugar are cultivated to any extent, and confine the present slave population within the limits of that county. Such is the rapid, natural increase of the slaves, and the rapid exhaustion of the soil in the cultivation of those crops, (which add so much to the commercial wealth of the country.) that in a few years it would be impossible to support them within the limits of each county. Both master and slave would be starved out; and what would be the practical effect in any one county, the same result would happen to all the slaveholding States. Slavery cannot be confined within certain specified limits without producing the destruction of both master and slave. It requires fresh lands, plenty of wood and water, not only for the comfort and happiness of the slave, but for the benefit of the owner. We understand perfectly well the practical effect of the proposed restriction upon our rights, and to what extent it interferes with slavery in the States; and we also understand the object and purpose of that interference. If the slaveholding States should ever be so regardless of their rights, and their honor, as coequal States, to be willing to submit to this proposed restriction, for the sake of harmony and peace, they could not do it. There is a great, over ruling, practical necessity, which would prevent it. They ought not to submit to it upon principle if they could, and could not if they would."

Slavery extension is an absolute necessity, to furnish fresh lands and fresh fields for the blight and curse of slavery, to prevent master and slave from perishing by starvation.

Sir, there is no crowding in the slave States yet. In the State represented by the gentlemen, while they have improved but six millions of acres of their land, there is still in the same State sixteen millions unimproved. There is no necessity for such a demand yet for the slaveholder in Georgia. From the census of 1850 we find that the slave States have not yet occupied one fourth of the territory within their limits. But, be that Sir, these special pleas, this feeble defense for as it may, the advancement of such a reason for the President, will not save him from the verdict the extension of slavery is startling to the wellthat will be rendered against him by honest, intel-wisher of his country, and is sufficient to convince ligent men in all sections of the country, for his reasonable men everywhere of the patriotic purwillful misrepresentation of a great, wise, patri-pose of the Republicans. otic, and growing party in this country.


Mr. Speaker, the honorable gentleman from Georgia [Mr. CRAWFORD] made an able defense for the President on this floor yesterday. It was calm; it was eloquent; it was dispassionate. But, sir, he seems to have fallen into the same error that has found its way into the President's mes

Sir, when but one fourth of the territory given to slavery is occupied, and when there are now but three million slaves, and we are admonished that they want room for self-preservation-to expand over the free Territories to preserve the existence of master and slave, I ask, what will be the condition of things when slavery is extended

to the Pacific, when we have fifty slave States, with twenty-five million slaves, and no more room to expand?

If, indeed, slavery is becoming dangerous and burdensome on your hands now, what will it be then upon your children?

But this cry for room is fallacious. It is not room that you are so anxious to obtain, but power-political power-the power of him who directs labor against those who labor-the power of the three hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders against the millions of free laborers from all parts of the Union. When I stated, last session of Congress, that the Kansas bill was passed, the Missouri compromise repealed, simply to strengthen political power in the South, gentlemen on the other side manifested much sensitiveness, and denied any such purpose. Northern

and southern men both said it was "to allow the people to be perfectly free to form their own institutions in their own way." Southern men said they did not expect it would be a slave State; but that the restriction was an odious discrimination against them. Were not the people of Oregon and Minnesota entitled to be "perfectly free" also, and was not the restriction around those Territories as odious as the other? Yet you never have complained of those restrictions. You have not taken the same zealous interest in the enlargement of their rights. The answer is obvious; and it is manifest to all men, that where you could not get power you cared not for the principle. The new Governor of South Carolina, in his inaugural, which I received this morning, makes an honest disclosure of your purposes. He says:

"Now, in order to preserve, in some measure, the power to protect the rights of the southern States in this behalf, we must preserve the equilibrium between the two sections in at least one of the Federal Councils. That equilib rium in the Senate was disturbed by the irregular admission of California-it may be restored by the admission of Kan


When you complain to us for want of roomwhen you talk to us about popular sovereignty, and making men 66 perfectly free," and all that, it is all well enough; but the great object that underlies it all is to maintain political supremacy in the hands of the slave power, and that power will be exerted to extend itself wider and wider; and yet at the same time you freely confess that, if unduly confined, this institution will involve all in certain destruction. Sir, if these results are to follow, then indeed is it the solemn duty of every man who loves his country, and feels an interest for her future and the safety of his own posterity, to confine the evil to its present limits, and let those who enjoy its blessings and hug it to their bosoms manage it in their own way and at their own time. It is a matter of your own; we neither wish nor desire any interference in its management; but it is unfair and unchristian for you to involve our posterity in the evils that will necessarily follow the extension of your own local institution. Republican principles are right, and I am proud to be an humble member of that party. True, I was defeated in the last canvass, and beaten by a ballot-box polluted with illegal votes; yet, sir, I do not abate in the least degree my ardor

for the principles I have always held. We, as a political party, are not looking to the interests of a section, but looking to the interest of the whole country-to the interest of all men at the North, and the non-slaveholder at the South; and, as Í have repeatedly stated, we leave the slaveholder where we find him.

I am a Republican, because we stand by the Constitution in all its requirements. We say that free speech and a free press are essential to the preservation and perpetuity of our free institutions. To purchase these great constitutional rights my own ancestors poured out their blood; yet, so far as fifteen States of this Union are concerned, they made the sacrifice in vain. As siavery advances, the Constitution of the United States, in these the most essential features, becomes null and void.

Sir, I am not in favor of extending African slavery and limiting American freedom. When we extend the former, we limit, restrain, and prohibit the other. Many excellent men have been driven from the South for simply exercising their constitutional right.

But gentlemen of the slave States say to me, "Do you wish to come and speak your political sentiments and excite insurrections among our slaves?" I say I have no such desire; but when you tell me that such discussion is dangerous to your institutions, you confess to me that, to completely maintain slavery, you have to strike a blow at the Constitution itself. Before you read long lectures to us upon our constitutional duty, may I be permitted to suggest that you pluck the beam out of your own eyes that you may see more clearly what you will do for others?

But gentlemen of the South say that we are opposed to equality in the Territories, and that we desire to legislate for ourselves to the exclusion of them. I say no. I say that we are willing that you men who own slaves shall come to the Territories of the United States upon precisely the footing, and with the same rights and privileges, that we enjoy when we go into those Territories. What more can you ask? Are you made out of any better material than we are? Has God given you more rights and privileges than He has bestowed upon us? Why cannot you be content to come with your own hands and your own strong arms, and hew out civilization out of the western wilds by the side of us and upon the same platform with us? If indeed you were excluded by us, you would have reason to complain; but we say to you, come; but when you propose to come and introduce a species of labor that will strike down our labor, that will take away half of its value, that will degrade it and put us upon a level with your slaves, then we enter our protest; we say, no, come as we come; labor as we labor; we will strike hands together and build up free institutions, and cause the wilderness to bud and blossom as the rose.

Gentlemen say it is a question between fifteen slave States and sixteen free States. Not at all. It is a question whether the slave power-the few men interested in the institution of slavery-are to control the Territories of the United States, and govern the country, or whether the millions

of free laborers shall control the Government. They apply to us opprobrious epithets; for example, Black Republicans,' negro worship

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Unimproved in free States.............. 50,394,734 acres. 66 slave States.. ..125,781,865 Postage collected, with the cost of the trans

Slave States,(col.,) 1,553,198

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2,385,953 In further corroboration of the difference in the

prosperity of the different sections, I will read an extract from the speech of Mr. Marshall, of Virginia, delivered in the House of Delegates of the State of Virginia, in the year 1832:

"Slavery is ruinous to the whites-retards improvementroots out industrious population-banishes the yeomanry

ers," &c., appealing to the prejudices and pas-portation of the mails, for 1855: sions of men; but I say to them to-day that we Free States, (col.,) $4,670,725-cost of transport., $2,608,295 are the only white man's party in this country; we are the only party who look to the interests of the great mass of the laboring classes of the North and of the free white laborers of the South. We desire that those men at the South who have to compete with slave labor, and to work by the side of slaves, shall have a home in the western Territories, where they may stand upon the same broad platform of equality with ourselves. But, of the country-deprives the spinner, the weaver, the sir, for holding these doctrines-doctrines that have been advocated and embodied in legislation by our fathers-doctrines that look not to the interests of the few, but to the interests of the many-the President of the United States, just as he is stepping down into his political grave, from which the hand of resurrection will never raise him, turns round upon us, and administers his imbecile rebuke.

It seems to me, sir, that if the men of the South would for one moment reflect upon the ill effects of slavery on their own people, and their own interests and prosperity, they would not so fondly hug it to their bosoms. I dislike to draw comparisons between the States of the Union. I dislike to offend the sensibility of the most fastidious lover of the institution of slavery. For my part, from my soul I commiserate the misfortune of those amongst whom exists the institution. But we are now discussing a great question involving the interests of every section of the Union, and it is requisite to a correct judgment that all the facts should be spread fairly before the public. Compare the free with the slave States; compare their railroads and canals, their schools and libraries, the difference of the price of real estate in the two sections, their capability to pay their just proportion of the expenses of the Government, and in everything that contributes to the greatness of the nation. Are we not paying your postage for you while you are refusing to us our constitutional rights in the limits of your States? In the free States in 1854 there were railroads in operation... ..13,105 miles. 4,212 66 17,317

In the slave States.........

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smith, the shoemaker, the carpenter, of employment and support. This evil admits of no remedy—it is increasing. and will continue to increase, until the whole country will be inundated with one black wave covering its whole extent, with a few white faces here and there floating on the surface. The master has no capital but what is vested in human flesh; the father, instead of being richer for his sons, is at a loss how to provide for them; there is no diversity of occupations, no incentives to enterprise. Labor of every species is disreputable, because performed mostly by slaves. Our towns are stationary, our villages almost everywhere declining, and the general aspect of the country marks the curse of a wasteful, idle, reckless population, who have no interest in the soil, and care not how much it is impoverished.

"Public improvements are neglected, and the entire continent does not present a region for which nature has done so much and art so little. If cultivated by free labor, the soil of Virginia is capable of sustaining a vast population, among whom labor would be honorable, and where 'the busy hum of men' would tell that all were happy and all were free."

There is the testimony of a son of Virginia. It is the portraiture of the bad effects of the institution of slavery by a man who was surrounded by it.

Mr. Speaker, the question is forced upon us: Will we agree to have such States as that described erected in our Territories, instead of States like the great and prosperous States of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois? Are we to have prosperous free States, or States weighed down by the incubus of slavery? It is a question not of party, but one for the profound consideration of the people of every section of the Union. It is a question which goes to the heart of every lover of his country and her prosperity.

But some of the Opposition party in this House claim their recent triumph in the country as the indorsement of slavery extension. I ask gentlemen to pause and consider before they reach that conclusion. The northern wing of the Democratic party appealed everywhere to the antipathy of the northern people to the institution of slavery. They charged that the Republicans at the last session voted to extend slavery into the Territory of Kansas, and that the Democracy were opposed to that extension. They held the doctrine, that the people of the Territories had the right to exclude slavery during their territorial existence, by their Territorial Legislature, and that they would most certainly do so. If I misrepresent the position of the northern Democrats in the late contest, the members of that party here from the North can correct me. There was not a northern Democrat who took ground in favor of the extension of slavery; nor was there one who would admit that under the Kansas-Nebraska bill

slavery could possibly go into either of those Territories. Then, sir, if slavery be introduced into Kansas, and the schemes of the Democratic party, as intimated on this floor and shadowed forth in the Cincinnati platform, be carried out, there will be a startling reaction in the North against those men who have perpetrated this deception. Let gentlemen who talk of nationality remember that a Virginia Democrat canvassing Indiana with his peculiar notions would be as badly defeated as an Indiana Democrat would be defeated in Virginia. I hope that the incoming administration will do its duty. I hope that the cry of "Buchanan, Breckinridge, and free Kansas" may not prove to be a false cry. I want Kansas to be a free State. I prefer this to mere party considerations. Party is the creature of an hour; principle survives forever.

cannot prohibit it; that it must be imposed upon them whether they will or not; and that they cannot exclude it until they come to form a State constitution preparatory to their admission into the Union as a State. Sir, they are not as free under that construction as are the people of a State. Kentucky, to-day, can abolish slavery if she will, as also may any other southern State; but those gentlemen who are in favor of " perfect freedom" say that States may abolish slavery, but that the people of a Territory cannot, that Congress cannot, and that no power can. Sir, is this enlarging the liberties of men? Is this giving to men who emigrate to a Territory and that is the argument used in support of the measure —the same rights they enjoyed in the States? This bill in its exposition, its language, and its application, has been a fraud upon the country.

I said in the beginning, that this canvass had settled no principle in reference to this question. But I do not propose to discuss that question It would be statesmanlike as well as manly upon now. I say, in conclusion, that whatever conthe part of the Democracy, if they would at once clusions gentlemen may draw from this canvass, define what they mean by "perfectly free." Do the great principle which underlies the platform they mean by it, that when people go to a Terri- and action of the Republican party will always tory they shall have the right to prohibit slavery, live, and continue to live on and on; and whenand exclude it from the Territory during its ter- ever you attack the outposts of freedom, you will ritorial existence? That is only a northern view find that it will take the possession of this Govof the matter, but the doctrine is hooted from both ernment, and administer it upon the same princiwings of the Capitol. "Perfectly free" means,ples, and upon the same platform, upon which according to the latest definition, that the people it was administered in the better days of the are compelled to take slavery and nurse ít, and country.

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