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can carry it into the free States; for if a man has a right to hold his slave by the power of the Federal Constitution, I do not see where a State of this Union gets the power to abolish it.

Mr. Clay declared, in 1850, that this doctrine was one of the most extraordinary assumptions and most indefensible positions ever taken by man. He said:

"You cannot put your finger on the part of the 'Constitution which conveys the right or the 'power to carry slaves from one of the States of 'the Union to any Territory of the United States. "If the Constitution possesses the paramount authority attributed to it, that is, to protect Slavery in the Territories, the laws even of the free States of the Union would yield to that par' amount authority."

Denying this authority, he said:

the Slavery agitation, and I have as frequently expressed the conviction which is on my mind, that all the hue and cry about Slavery is raised, not by the people of the North, not by the mechanics, not by the hard-fisted farmers, but by disappointed politicians, who desire to get into office on a sectional issue.

Mr. WILSON. I hope the Senator from Texes, and those who act with him, will disabuse their minds right speedily of that idea. Cast your eye over the North; take New England, with her one hundred and fifty thousand popular majority against your candidate; take the great State of New York; take the whole line of Northern States; and when you look at them, remember that we have a large plurality in all of them, except in a portion of them included within about forty thousand square miles of territory, and that we intend to burn over in the next four years. I allude to eastern and central Pennsylvania, southern Indiana, and southern Illinois, and a smail portion of New Jersey. There we mean to discuss the question, and have it well and clearly defined and understood. The rest of the North. is ours. If you believe that the people are fanatics, or that their leaders deceive them, remember one thing, that in 1850 there were in the United States nearly eight hundred thousand free persons above twenty years of age who could not read or write. Only ninety-four thousand out of this eight hundred thousand happen to live in the States which Fremont has carried. Remember another thing: that the State of Massachusetts, which you consider so ultra-a people so easily deluded-prints within a few thousand, and circulates more newspapers within the State, than all the fifteen Southern States of the Union. Remember, they have more volumes in their public libraries than all the slave States. Remember, they give away more money to the Bible and Missionary and other Benevolent Societies, every year, than the entire slaveholding States; and they have done so during the last quarter of a century.

"If slaves are voluntarily carried into such a 'jurisdiction, where Slavery does not exist, their 'chains instantly drop off, and they become 'free, emancipated, liberated from their bondage." The Senator from Illinois, [Mr. DOUGLAS,] the author of the Kansas and Nebraska act, in reply to this extraordinary claim, that the Constitution carries Slavery into the Territories, that to deny it would be the denial of the equality of the States, said: "It is no violation of Southern rights to prohibit Slavery," for "neither the North nor the South, as such, have any rights there at all." The denial of the extraordinary assumption on the part of slaveholding politicians, by Northern Senators on the Democratic side of the Chamber, are of little value. The Democratic party has its head in the South, its tail in the North, and there iron heels are on that. The power of the Democratic party is in the South. Gentlemen of the Democratic party in the North must follow Southern lead. You have been forced from one position to another. You were forced to abandon | your position in favor of the "Wilmot Proviso." You were driven to stand upon the shifting sands of popular sovereignty, and you are now being driven from even that position. The Richmond Enquirer tells us that squatter sovereignty has been repudiated by the Cincinnati Platform. "The Democrats of the South," it tells us, "seek not merely to retain Slavery where it is, but to extend it into regions where it is yet unknown. Northern Democrats agree to its extension as a matter of right on our part." It is the glory of the Northern Democracy, that it files in and follows its Southern leaders and masters. I predict that the doctrines maintained on this floor by the Senator from Mississippi [Mr. BROWN] will yetence of the Slave Power, and there was certainly be adopted by the Northern Democracy, unless deterred by the newly-developed strength of the awakened and aroused freemen of the North. The Senator from Texas spoke of Northern fanaticism. Does he suppose that the people of the North are so stolid, ignorant, and deluded, as to be deceived on a question of such transcendent magnitude?

Mr. RUSK. Will the Senator allow me to interrupt him?

Mr. WILSON. Certainly.

Mr. RUSK. I do not know that I used the term fanaticism, but I have frequently spoken of

I tell you, sir, that the people are ahead of us, and that is what you fear. You say that they are deceived by us, and then you turn round and declare that you cannot rely on our disclaimers, because the people will pass beyond the direction and control of political leaders. The people understand this question, sir; they know their responsibilities, their powers, and their duties. The Senator from South Carolina, I think, informed us that he did not see any of the infla

none of it in the Senate! Why, sir, from the origin of the Government to the present time, the Senate of the United States has been more or less controlled by that Power. Do you not know that, if any nominee sent here for confirmation is suspected of being unsound on the Slavery question, his rejection is a foregone conclusion? Governor Everett, when he first entered the House of Representatives, announced his sentiments upon the Slavery question in language which brought upon him the censures of John Randolph and Churchill C. Cambreleng. In spite of the known moderation of his views, when his

name was before the Senate for confirmation as Minister to England, it required the powerful efforts of Henry Clay to secure that confirmation. Does not the Senator from South Carolina remember that objections were made to the confirmation of a gentleman whose name was sent here session before last, because the father of the nominee had voted for Van Buren in 1848? Do not Senators remember the announcement made by Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, on this floor, that Northern men who sympathized with the views of the Senator from New York, [Mr. SEWARD,] whose names had been sent into the Senate by General Taylor, must be proscribed? Do not Senators remember that Mr. Fillmore joined in that work of proscription? Is there nothing sectional in all this?

Senators can see nothing sectional in the constitution of the committees of this body. When that subject was referred to a few days since, the Senator from Alabama [Mr. CLAY] told us that in the House of Representatives, where the Republicans have the Speaker, there the South was proscribed on the committees. I have examined those committees, and I find that of the twelve important committees, consisting of one hundred and eight members, fifty of them are Southern men, or Northern men who affiliate with them. I have looked at the eleven important committees of this body, and I find that the Republicans have nine out of sixty-five members. I did not expect anything very liberal in the formation of the committees. The Senator from Maryland [Mr. PEARCE] brought in the list. That Senator, in a published address to the country, referred to the Republican party as a "motley alliance," as a "pernicious party;" and he spoke of its leaders as "mad agitators," men of "inflamed passions," and "perverted judgment." He classed the Senator from New York and myself among the leaders. Entertaining this opinion of the party and of its leaders, it could not be expected that he would be over generous. As the Senator's own State seems to have paid but little heed to his denunciations of the Republican party and its leaders, I am sure we can be equally indifferent to his censures.

The Senator from South Carolina [Mr. BUTLER] boasted of the great contentment among the slaves in his section of the Union. He told us that slaves who had run away were returning to their masters; and that this was the best kind of Fugitive Slave Law. Perhaps the Senator is right; but the events transpiring all over the South hardly sustain the Senator's declarations. I commend to him, whenever he boasts on this floor of the contentment of the bondman, the words of Edmund Burke, " He who makes a contented slave, makes a degraded man."

Look at the condition of affairs in your section of the Union to-day; in many places, your people think they have found evidences of incipient rebellions. The supporters of Buchanan and Fillmore have rivalled each other in misrepresenting the sentiments, principles, and policy, of the supporters of John C. Fremont. The leaders of the Southern Democracy have everywhere denounced the Republican party as a party in favor

of emancipation by the exercise of the powers o the Federal Government. The hungry ear of these bondmen drank in these false accusations and unjust reproaches. Your words will be to them a possession forever, exciting hopes that will never die. Go home-undeceive those whom you have deceived. Do us justice. Place us where we are, and where we intend to standopposed to Slavery everywhere, in favor of its abolition everywhere outside of the slave States— opposed to the domination of the Slave Power, but conceding to the people of the slave States their constitutional rights to settle the matter in their own time, and in their own way.

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Senators desired to know how we should vote on the admission of Kansas as a slaveholding State. I answer, for myself, if Kansas applies for admission as a slave State, I will reply in the words of Caleb Cushing, the law officer of this Government. In arguing the question of the ad-、 mission of Arkansas, he said, speaking in regard to the power of Congress over the subject:

"The Constitution confers upon us the discretion to admit new States at will. It limits, in certain respects, our power to act affirmatively; but it does not limit, in any respect, our discretion, on the negative side, of a refusal to admit new States."

Resting upon this authority of the distinguished legal adviser of the Administration, I will answer your question, whether I will vote for the admission of Kansas as a slave State, in his words:

"I do not persuade myself that Liberty is an evil, or that Slavery is a blessing. When called upon to accord my official sanction to a form of 'Government which not merely permits, but expressly perpetuates Slavery, I should be false to all the opinions and principles of my life, if I did not promptly return a peremptory and 'emphatic No!"

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The Senator from Texas commends our devo

tion to the Union. We have ever supported the Union, and I tell you, sir, what we intend to do in regard to its support. The Senator from Pennsylvania the other day denounced the Barnwell Rhett school of politicians. I suppose he thought it safe to attack that little squad of fanatics, as he calls them, in South Carolina; but, sir, we the Republicans do not confine our denunciations to that little faction. We denounce your Governor Wises, all your chosen leaders who have threatened to destroy the Union if the fortunes of the election went against them— the men who have your confidence-the men who go to Wheatland, and have the ear of your incoming Executive. I give you notice to-day, gentlemen, what we intend to do. If the incoming Administration sends into this body the nomination of a single man who ever threatened the dissolution of the Union, we intend to camp on this floor, and to resist his confirmation to the bitter end. I give you notice now, that we shall resist the coming into power of all that class of men, as enemies of the Constitution and the Union.

We go further. We mean to hold the incoming Administration responsible, if it gives confidence or patronage to your "Richmond Enquirers" and "Examiners," your "Charleston Mer

L

caries" and "Standards," your "New Orleans | very extension. Cease all efforts to control the Deltas," and your "South Side Democrats," or any Democratic journal in the United States which threatened the dissolution of the Union in the event of our success. We intend here in our places to defend that Union which makes us one people, against the men of your party who have threatened to subvert and destroy it. We intend to go a little further. Your slave propagandist journals have denounced the independent laboring men of the North as "greasy mechanics," "filthy operatives," "small-fisted farmers," "moon-struck theorists." We mean to hold you responsible, if you bestow your confidence and patronage upon journals which maintain that "the principle of Slavery is itself right, and does not depend on difference of complexion."

Senators have told us they want peace-they want repose. Well, sir, I want peace-I want repose. The State I represent wants peacewants repose. Tens of millions of our property are scattered broadcast over the Southern States. The business men, the merchants, the manufacturers of my State want peace as much you can want it. You can have it. But you cannot have it if you want to extend Slavery over the free Territories. You cannot have it if you continue your efforts to bring Kansas here a slave State. If you want peace, abandon your policy of Sla

political destinies of the country through the expansion of Slavery as an element of political power. Plant yourselves upon your reserved constitutional rights, and we will aid you in the vindication of those rights. Turn your attention from the forbidden fruits of Cuban, Central American, or Mexican acquisitions, to your own dilapidated fields, where the revegetating forests are springing up, and where, in the language of Governor Wise, " 'you have the owners skinning the negroes, the negroes skinning the land, until all grow poor together." Erase from your statute-books those cruel laws which shock the sensibilities of mankind. Place there humane and beneficent legislation, which shall protect the relations of husband and wife, parent and childwhich shall open darkened minds to the eleva ting influence of Christian culture. You will then have the generous sympathies, the sincere prayers, of men who reverently look to Him whose hand guides the destinies of the world. You will have the best wishes of the friends of Liberty all over the globe. Humanity and Christianity will sanction and bless your efforts to hasten on that day, though it may be distant, when Freedom shall be the inalienable birthright of every man who treads the soil of the North American continent.

REPORT

OF

THE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE,

PRESENTED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ON TUESDAY, JULY 1, 1856.

A JOURNAL of proceedings, including sundry | mutual interests and intercourse, instead of, as communications made to and by the Committee, now, endangering the harmony of the Union, was kept, a copy of which is herewith submitted. would have strengthened the ties of national The testimony also is herewith submitted; a copy brotherhood. The testimony clearly shows, that of it has been made and arranged, not according before the proposition to repeal the Missouri Comto the order in which it was taken, but so as to promise was introduced into Congress, the people present, as clearly as possible, a consecutive his- of Western Missouri appeared indifferent to the tory of events in the Territory, from its organiza-prohibition of Slavery in the Territory, and neither tion to the 19th day of March, A. D., 1856.

asked nor desired its repeal.

Your Committee deem it their duty to state, as When, however, the prohibition was removed briefly as possible, the principal facts proven be- by the action of Congress, the aspect of affairs fore them. When the act to organize the Terri- entirely changed. The whole country was agitatory of Kansas was passed on day of May, ted by the reopening of a controversy which con1854, the greater portion of its eastern border was servative men in different sections hoped had been included in Indian reservations not open for set-settled in every State and Territory by some law tlement, and there were but few white settlers in beyond the danger of repeal. The excitement any portion of the Territory. Its Indian popula- which has always accompanied the discussion of tion was rapidly decreasing, while many emigrants the Slavery question was greatly increased by the from different parts of our country were anxiously hope on the one hand of extending Slavery into a waiting the extinction of the Indian title, and the region from which it had been excluded by law; establishment of a Territorial Government, to seek and on the other by a sense of wrong done by new homes in its fertile prairies. It cannot be what was regarded as a dishonor of a national doubted that if its condition as a free Territory compact. This excitement was naturally transferhad been left undisturbed by Congress, its settle-red into the border counties of Missouri and the ment would have been rapid, peaceful and prosperous. Its climate, soil, and its easy access to the older settlements would have made it the favored course for the tide of emigration constantly flowing to the West, and, by this time, it would have been admitted into the Union as a Free State, without the least sectional excitement. If so organized, none but the kindest feeling could have existed between it and the adjoining State. Their

LIFE OF COLONEL FREMONT-Nearly Ready. An original and authentic Biography of the People's Candidate for President is now in course of preparation, and will be issued at THE TRIBUNE

Territory as settlers favoring free or slave institu tions moved into it. A new difficulty soon occurred. Different constructions were put upon the organic law. It was contended by the one party that the right to hold slaves in the Territory existed, and that neither the people nor the Territorial Legislature could prohibit Slavery-that that power was alone possessed by the people when they were authorized to form a State Government.

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GOVERNOR SEWARD'S SPEECH on the Immediate

office early in July. It will be condensed into a Admission of Kansas, is now ready-16 large octavo pages. pamphlet of 32 large octavo pages, on good type, with spirited illustrations.

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Price per dozen,
Price per hundred,

Price per thousand,

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HON. SCHUYLER COLFAX'S SPEECH on the "Laws" of Kansas, 16 octavo pages, same price as the above.

Orders enclosing the cash are respectfully solicited.

GREELEY & MCELRATH,

TRIBUNE OFFICE, NEW YORK.

It was contended that the removal of the restric-| sustain them while there, and to elect none t tion virtually established Slavery in the Territory. office but those friendly to their views. This dan This claim was urged by many prominent men in gerous society was controlled by men who avowed Western Missouri, who actively engaged in the af- their purpose to extend slavery into the Terrifairs of the Territory. Every movement of what- tory at all hazards, and was altogether the most ever character which tended to establish free in- effective instrument in organizing the subsequent stitutions was regarded as an interference with armed invasions and forays. In its Lodges in Mistheir rights. souri, the affairs of Kansas were discussed, the force necessary to control the election was divided into bands, and leaders selected, means were collected, and signs and badges were agreed upon. While the great body of the actual settlers of the Territory were relying upon the rights secured to them by the organic law, and had formed no organization or combination whatever, even of a party character, this conspiracy against their rights was gathering strength in a neighboring State, and would have been sufficient at their first election to have overpowered them, if they had been united to a man.

Within a few days after the organic law passed, and as soon as its passage could be known on the border, leading citizens of Missouri crossed into the Territory, held Squatter meetings and then returned to their homes. Among their resolutions are the following:

"That we will afford protection to no Abolitionist as a Bettler of this Territory."

"That we recognize the institution of Slavery as already existing in this Territory, and advise slaveholders to introduce their property as early as possible."

Similar resolutions were passed in various parts of the Territory, and by meetings in several counties of Missouri. Thus the first effect of the repeal of the restrictions against slavery was to substitute the resolves of squatter meetings, composed almost exclusively of citizens of a single State, for the deliberate action of Congress, acquiesced in for thirty-five years.

This unlawful interference has been continued in every important event in the history of the Territory; every election has been controlled not by the actual settlers, but by citizens of Missouri, and as a consequence every officer in the Territory, from constables to legislators, except those appointed by the President, owe their positions to non-resident voters. None have been elected by the settlers, and your Committee have been unable to find that any political power whatever, however unimportant, has been exercised by the people of the Territory.

Your Committee had great difficulty in eliciting the proof of the details in regard to this secret society. One witness, member of the Legislative Council, refused to answer questions in reference to it. Another declined to answer fully, because to do so would result to his injury. Others could or would only answer as to the general purposes of the Society, but sufficient is disclosed in the testimony to show the influence it had in controlling the elections in the Territory.

The first election was for a Delegate to Congress. It was appointed for the 29th of November, 1854. The Governor divided the Territory into 17 Election Districts; appointed Judges, and prescribed proper rules for the election. In the Ist, IIId, VIIIth, IXth, Xth, XIIth, XIIth, and XVIIth Districts there appears to have been but little if any fraudulent voting.

The election in the IId District was held at the In October, A. D. 1854, Gov. A. H. Reeder and village of Douglas, nearly 50 miles from the Misthe other officers appointed by the President, souri line. On the day before the election large arrived in the Territory. Settlers from all parts companies of men came into the district in wagons of the country were moving in, in great numbers, and on horseback, and declared that they were making their claims and building their cabins. from the State of Missouri, and were going to About the same time, and before any election was Douglas to vote. On the morning of the election or could be held in the Territory, a secret political they gathered around the house where the election society was formed in the State of Missouri. It was to be held. Two of the Judges appointed by was known by different names, such as "Social the Governor did not appear, and other Judges Band," "Friends Society," "Blue Lodge," "The were elected by the crowd. All then voted. In Sons of the South." Its members were bound order to make a pretense of right to vote, some together by secret oaths, and they had passwords, persons of the company kept a pretended register signs, and grips by which they were known to each of squatter claims, on which any one could enter other. Penalties were imposed for violating the his name and then assert he had a claim in the rules and secrets of the Order. Written minutes Territory. A citizen of the district who was himwere kept of the proceedings of the Lodges, and self a candidate for Delegate to Congress was the different Lodges were connected together by told by one of the strangers, that he would be an effective organization. It embraced great num- abused and probably killed if he challenged a vote. bers of the citizens of Missouri, and was extended He was seized by the collar, called a d-d Abointo other Slave States and into the Territory. Its litionist, and was compelled to seek protection in avowed purpose was not only to extend slavery the room with the Judges. About the time the into Kansas, but also into other territory of the polls were closed, these strangers mounted their United States, and to form a union of all the horses and got into their wagons and cried out friends of that institution. Its plan of operating "All aboard for Westport and Kansas City." A was to organize and send men to vote at the elec-number were recognized as residents of Missouri, tions in the Territory, to collect money to pay and among them was Samuel II. Woodson, a leadtheir expenses, and if necessary to protect them in ing lawyer of Independence. Of those whose voting. It also proposed to induce Pro-Slavery names are on the poll-books, 35 were resident setmen to emigrate into the Territory, to aid and tlers and 226 were non residents.

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