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platform which has any signiucance at all, is the one shadowed forth in the above extract; that, if the so-called Democracy prevail, the doctrine that "the institutions of the South, and the so 'cial forms of the South, are equally rightful, legitimate, moral, and promotive of human 'happiness and well-being, with those of the 'North," will become forever hereafter the set tled policy of the nation.

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But I desire to present one further extract from one of the foremost and leading presses in favor of Mr. Buchanan for the Presidency, to show what the real issue before the country now is, and how that issue is understood at the South. I quote from a recent article in the Richmond Enquirer :

"THE TRUE ISSUE.-The Democrats of the 'South in the present canvass cannot rely on the old grounds of defence and excuse for Slavery; for they seek not merely to retain it 'where it is. but to extend it into regions where it is unknown. Much less can they rely on the mere constitutional guaranties of Slavery, for such reliance is pregnant with the admission that Slavery is wrong, and, but for the Constitution, should be abolished. This constitutional argument for Slavery, standing 'alone, fully justifies the Abolitionists.

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"Nor will it avail us aught to show that the negro is most happy and best situated in the 'condition of Slavery. If we stop there, we weaken our cause by the very argument in 'tended to advance it; for we propose to introduce into new territory human beings whom we assert to be unfit for liberty, self govern ment, and equal association with other men. We must go a step further. We must show that African Slavery is a moral, religious, natural, and probably, in the general, a necessary institution of society. This is the only line of argument that will enable Southern 'Democrats to maintain the doctrines of State 'equality and Slavery extension.

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The Slave Power used General Pierce till it
made him so odious that it dare not run him
for a second heat, and so have taken up a new
man, in the hope of again deceiving the people
of the free States! The issue is boldly pre-
sented; for, says the Enquirer, it is a "moral,
religious, natural, and a necessary institution
of society;" and "THE DEMOCRATS OF THE
'SOUTH SEEK NOT MERELY TO RETAIN IT WHERE
IT IS, BUT TO EXTEND IT INTO REGIONS WHERE
IT IS UNKNOWN," and "NORTHERN DEMOCRATS
AGREE TO ITS EXTENSION AS A MATTER OF
เ RIGHT ON OUR PART!" That the Northern
Democrats do so agree is most true, and I
shall present the proof that will put the fact
beyond dispute. Let the Liberty-loving people
of the free States meet the issue as boldly
as it is presented! With such an issue, how
do the "Democracy" propose to carry the next
Presidential election? Not by presenting to
the country a broad national platform, upon
which all sections of the country-North as
well as South-can stand with some show of
self-respect, but by an intensely sectional one,
embracing but a single idea the equality of
Slavery. Not by an honest appeal to all classes
in the country to rally to the ancient standard
of Democratic faith, but by uniting, to a man, the
PRIVILEGED CLASS" in the South, (those whose
privilege it is to buy and sell their laborers, and
live upon their unpaid toil,) so as to carry every
Southern State; and then, trusting to official
patronage, party discipline, and the treachery
of Northern "doughfaces," to make up from the
free States the twenty-nine votes requisite to
give them a majority in the electoral college.
And yet, with this odious sectional issue, forced
upon the country and made the test of Demo-
cratic faith by the Slave Power, (for, as was
said the other evening by the honorable gentle-
man from Mississippi, [Mr. BARKSDALE,] every
one who does not conform to this standard has
no claim to be called a "Democrat,") to be
carried through, if at all, by sectional appeals-
this same 66
Democratic" party has the effront-

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For if Slavery be not a legitimate, useful. 'moral, and expedient institution, we cannot, 'without reproof of conscience and the blushery to charge the people's party-a party which stands upon the broad, national policy adopted by Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Franklin-with being a "sectional party," and seek

' of shame, seek to extend it, or assert our
equality with those States having no such in-
'stitution.
"Northern Democrats need not go thus far.ing to divide the Union!
'They do not seek to extend Slavery, but only
' agree to its extension as a matter of right on
" our part.

"We know that we utter bold truths. But 'the time has now arrived when their utterance 6 can be no longer postponed. The true issue 'should stand out so boldly and clearly that none may mistake it."

Here we have the doctrine of "State equality," as incorporated in the Democratic platform at Cincinnati, again defined, and from the same source that brought forward Mr. Buchanan for the Presidency. For Virginia was for Buchanan rom the start, as it was for Pierce in 1852.

The better to show the alarming strides which the Democratic party have taken on this Slavery question, I desire to call attention to the position it has but recently occupied in reference to it, for the purpose of contrasting it with the platform upon which it stands to-day. Sir, it is scarcely six years since the entire Democratic party of the North stood precisely where we now stand, and contended for the same doctrine which the party now denounced by them as "Black Republicans" contend for in the present campaign! In 1847, 48, 49, and '50, the Democratic party in the free States stood upon the ground of the Wilmot

Proviso. The prohibition of Slavery in the Territories was then a prominent article in the Democratic creed. Even Mr. Buchanan, at that time, admitted the power of Congress to legislate upon the subject of Slavery in the Territories. In his letter to Mr. Sanford, dated August 21, 1848, he says:

"Having urged the adoption of the Missouri 'Compromise, the inference is irresistible, that

resentatives in General Court convened, That we are in favor of the passage of a law by Congress forever prohibiting Slavery in New 'Mexico and California, and in all other Territories now acquired, or hereafter to be acquired, by the United States, in which Slavery does not exist at the time of such acquisi

tion.

"Resolved, That events have recently occur

'Congress, in my opinion, possesses the powerred, and are now transpiring at the seat of the to legislate upon the subject of Slavery in the 'Territories."

General Government and elsewhere, which seem to make necessary a renewed expres

The right to legislate upon the subject at all,sion of our views upon this subject. is now denied by the party whose platform Mr. Buchanan claims to be the embodiment.

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"Resolved, That our Senators be instructed, and our Representatives requested, to urge I shall not attempt, at this time, Mr. Chair- the passage of such a law in relation to New man, to quote from Democratic resolutions Mexico and California; and that we approve, passed in nearly or quite all the Northern as we have always heretofore done, of ALL States, but content myself with giving a few their votes already given in favor of such a extracts from those adopted by the Legislature law, or in favor of the principle of the same. of New Hampshire, as a sample of the whole. Resolved, That the Secretary of State be The soundness and orthodoxy of New Hamp-directed to forward a copy of the foregoing shire Democracy, I suppose, will not be ques-resolutions to each of our Senators and Reptioned, especially as it was under the lead of resentatives in Congress.

the present President of the United States, during the whole time to which I shall refer ! In 1817, the Legislature of that State, being strongly Democratic, passed the following resolutions:

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"Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep resentatives in General Court convened, That we regard the institution of Slavery as a moral, social, and political evil, and, as such, we deeply regret its existence, and are willing to concur in all reasonable and constitutional 4 measures that may tend to its REMOVAL.

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Resolved, That in all territory which may 'hereafter be added or acquired by the United { States, where Slavery does not exist at the 'time of such addition or acquirement, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for 'the punishment of crime, whereof the party has been duly convicted, ought ever to exist, 'but the same should ever remain free; and we are opposed to the extension of Slavery over any such territory; and that we also approve 'of the vote of our Senators and Representatives in Congress in favor of the Wilmot Pro

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"Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives be requested, by all expedient and constitutional means and measures, to sustain the principles "herein above set forth.

MOSES NORRIS, Jr.,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
"HARRY HIBBARD,

President of the Senate.
"JARED W. WILLIAMS,
Governor."

In 1848, when an overwhelming majority in the Legislature, the New Hampshire Democracy again

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep

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"SAMUEL H. AYER,

Speaker of the House of Representatives. "HARRY HIBBARD,

President of the Senate. "JARED W. WILLIAMS,

Governor."

When these resolutions were under consideration in the Senate, Hon. Harry Hibbard, (a gentleman from our State, who had something to do, I believe, with the passage of the Nebraska bill,) then President of the Senate, left the chair, and made a strong and earnest speech in their favor, from which I extract the following:

He said he was ready at all times and places to sustain the principle of that amend ment, (one stronger than the above, offered by Mr. Preston,) and believed this was the position of his political friends generally, not only in the Legislature, but throughout the State and the whole North. While they were disposed to abide by the provisions of the Constitution, and not seek to interfere with the institution of Slavery in the States; while they would not refuse desirable acquisitions of territory where Slavery already existed, for that reason alone, in the face of overwhelming considerations to the contrary, as in the case of Louisiana and Texas, they would oppose, by all constitutional means, the extension of Slavery over territory now free, as in the case of California and New Mexico. Such has been the Democratic faith from the days of Jefferson to the present time."

This is the same gentleman, Mr. Chairman, who, when the Nebraska bill was under discussion in this House, in the exuberance of his zeal to break down the barrier against the encroachments of Slavery, exclaimed to the patriotic men who were resisting the wicked act: "Bring in

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your couches, gentlemen; we are prepared to give you a long sitting!" But he has his reward! The New Hampshire Patriot, then, as now, the home organ of General Pierce, in commenting on these resolutions, used the following emphatic language in their favor:

"We need not say that these resolutions meet our hearty approbation, for our readers ( are aware that they contain the sentiments which we have contended for since we have 'been connected with this paper-the senti'ments which the Democracy of this State have 6 supported ever since the question of the extension of Slavery came up.'

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In 1849, the New Hampshire Democracy again defined their position on this question, in the following Legislative resolves:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep resentatives in General Court convened, That, opposed to every form of oppression, the people of New Hampshire have ever viewed with deep regret the existence of Slavery in this Union; that, while they have steadfastly supported all sections in their constitutional rights, they have not only lamented its existเ ence as great social evil, but regarded it as fraught with danger to the peace and welfare of the nation.

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not be disturoed by any act of his, has opened anew the flood-gates of sectional dissension and civil war, and caused an amount of wretchedness and suffering, to innocent men, women, and chil dren, such as can scarcely be atoned for in a long life of repentance. Such was the position of the Northern Democracy, down to the passage of the famous Compromise Measures of 1850. At that time, California sought admission into the Union as a free State; and the Slave Power, again taking the alarm, raised a great outcry, and threatened, as usual, to dissolve the Union! They went so far as to issue a manifesto, and call a Convention at Nashville to take into consideration the subject of breaking up the Confederacy. But, sir, it ended pretty much in smoke, as all such attempts will, when they have for their basis no real cause of grievance. Many of the prominent men of that Convention are among the cherished leaders of the "Democra cy" to-day; and one, at least, who was active in getting it up, holds a prominent place in the President's Cabinet. And here let me say, that although disunion sentiments have been vehemently and falsely charged upon the people of the free States, there has always been a disunion party at the South! The threats of dissolution, over and over again repeated in the Halls of Congress during the present session, have all come from men residing in that section of the country. And it is a significant fact, that all, or nearly all, the Calhoun men, Secessionists, Filibusters, and Disunionists, are now found, shoulder to shoulder, in the ranks of mod66 Democracy."

Resolved, That while we respect the rights of the slaveholding as well as the free portions 'of this Union-while we will not willingly con'sent that wrong be done to any member of the glorious Confederacy to which we belong, we are firmly and unalterably opposed to the extension of Slavery over any portion of Ameriern " can soil now free.

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"Resolved, That, in our opinion, Congress has the constitutional power to abolish the slave trade and Slavery in the District of Co lumbia, and that our Senators be instructed, and our Representatives requested, to take all contitutional measures to accomplish these 'jects. "SAMUEL H. AYER, Speaker of the House of Representatives.

"WILLIAM P. WEEKS,

The Compromise Measures were passed. The "bleeding wounds" of the country were healed. thenceforward there was to be nothing but quiet The whole question was finally "settled;" and and "repose" on the exciting subject of Slavery Baltimore, that they would "resist," whether in agitation. The Democratic party resolved, at Congress or out of Congress, all attempts to renew that agitation! General Pierce, in his first message, solemnly assured the country that by no act of his should this repose receive any shock during his term, if it was in his power to prevent it! How well this promise has been kept, let the wicked repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the long train of calamities which have followed that measure, and the excited state of the country at the present time, answer. •The Democracy of this State are unanimous object and purpose of this repeal was not openly in the opinion, so far as we know, that Conly avowed at the time, although it was perfectly gress has and should exercise the power, and exclude Slavery from California and New

President of the Senate. "SAMUEL DINSMOOR,

Governor."

And the home organ of the President, the New Hampshire Patriot, on the 26th day of Jul, 1849, again referred to this subject in the follo ing language:

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'Mexico."

And all this, Mr. Chairman, from a State that, to its deep humiliation, has furnished from her free hills a President, who, by his agency in the wanton repeal of the Missouri Compromise, in the face of his published declarations, and in violation of pledges solemnly given before the nation, that the repose of the country should

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apparent that the extension of Slavery over the vast domain, from which it had been forever excluded by a solemn compact, was the real design of its instigators. It would not answer then to give the real and true reason for which its repeal was desired. But, by dint of party drill, it was put through, upon the false and fraudulent pretext that it was to inaugurate the great idea of "popular sovereignty." The country was deluded with the cry of "Let the people rule;"

for, in virtue of the provisions of the bill, it was said that the people of the Territories were to be left "perfectly free" to form their own institutions in their own way!

But this does not rest upon the testimony of letter-writers, or of the Southern press merely. The same purpose was avowed, on the 23d day of June last, on the floor of the Senate, by Hon. JOSIAH EVANS, of South Carolina. I give an extract from his speech on that occasion:

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"Was it strange, then, that the South should be alarmed at this state of things? I did not 'hear it; but I have understood that, in 1850, a Senator here from one of the free States said their object was to build a wall around Slavery a wall of freemen, to render slave property unproductive, and to force its emancipation.

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"Mr. BUTLER. Cordon' was the word. "Mr. EVANS. Well, sir, Kansas, although it is but one State when added, will be good against three more. And was it strange, then, that the South should desire possession of Kansas merely as a guarantee? There is no pretence that they can occupy any other portion of that immense region

(referring to Nebraska, New Mexico, and the Indian Territory, of which he had been speaking.)

Mr. Chairman, I shall not dwell upon the wrongs and outrages perpetrated upon the unoffending people of Kansas. The repeated invasions of the Territory by ruffian marauders; the trampling down of the dearest right of American freemen-the right to have a voice in the making of their own laws-by armed force; the enactment of a bogus and bloody code, that would disgrace the Hottentots of Southern Af rica; the driving of bona fide settlers from their claims; the dispersion of assemblages of peaceful citizens by United States troops; the sack of cities, and the driving from their homes of men, women, and children-compelling them to flee to the forests by the light of their burning dwellings; the cruel imprisonment of the leading men of the Territory, on the trumped-up charge of "constructive treason;" the wanton destruction of property; the thefts, and the cold blooded murders-and all for the crime of lov. ing Liberty better than Slavery-will forever constitute one of the blackest pages in our country's history, and form a damning comment upon the "perfect freedom" which was granted to the people of Kansas, to mould their own in-value in the mechanic arts; it can only be stitutions in their own way! 'used to advantage in the cultivation of the great staples. There is no pretence that any one of the great staples that constitute the great material of our foreign commerce can be cultivated anywhere within the limits of these Territories, outside of the Territory of 'Kansas." * "These, Mr. President, are the reasons why we desire Kansas; but it was not allowed. The very instant it was opened to the slave population, that instant there sprung up a contrivance-a machinery was set in operation, of which I do not choose 'to speak-the object of which was to defeat 'this act of Congress, and, as was said by the Senator from Massachusetts, to devote this Territory to a free population."

But, sir, the flimsy veil of "squatter sov ereignty," with which the "true intent and meaning" of the Nebraska bill was sought to be disguised, is now thrown aside, and the real object of making Kansas a slave State, out of which three or four additional slave States can be carved, if necessary, is openly avowed by leading Democrats in Congress, and by Demo cratic presses in different parts of the country. That it may be seen I do not misrepresent in this matter, I shall produce extracts from varicus sources, in proof of the position I have assumed.

In the first place, I quote from the letter of a Mr. John Townsend, to a meeting held in Charleston, South Carolina, in March last, for the purpose of taking measures to forward emigration to Kansas from the South, from which it will be seen why the Slave Power are so anxious to obtain possession of Kansas:

"In gaining Kansas, we shut out an enemy from our camp; we support Missouri, and im measurably strengthen our outposts on that 'important frontier; and, with her, we not only ́ secure Missouri to our ranks, but the Indian 'Territory, which is large enough for two or 'three States, will cease to be debated ground, as it now is, and will be certain for the South. "Kansas, then, is the Malakoff fortress, the 'taking of which will decide our victory in this battle with Abolitionism in that quarter-a 'battle in which from three to five States are to be the prizes to be won or lost to the South, and 'her cherished institutions."

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Everybody knows that Slavery will not do for a farming country merely. It is of no value in an agricultural country; it is of no

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Yes, sir; the great crime of the people of the free States consists in their wish to "devote this Territory to a FREE population!"

And here it is distinctly avowed, by a leading Democratic Senator, that the object in repealing the Missouri Compromise was, to take possession of Kansas as a slave State, and hold it as a "guarantee," to be cut up into three more, as an offset to any free State that might be admitted from territory in which the institution of Slavery had already been solemnly prohibited by the votes as well of Southern as of Northern men! And when this was not allowed," from the efforts made by Free State settlers to plant free institutions on the soil which belonged to them, and which had been consecrated to free labor by the compact of 1820, the attempt was made, and is still persisted in, to carry Slavery there by lawless violence, and at the point of

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the bayonet! But I shall not confine myself merely to declarations of Southern men on this point. I quote from the speech of Hon. JonN CADWALADER, of Pennsylvania, made in this Hall on the 5th day of March last, in which some extraordinary revelations are made. He says:

"Justice required that the restriction (the Missouri restriction) should not be main 'tained eastward of those mountains, (the Rocky Mountains,) if it could not be extended 'westward of them to the Pacific."

Again:

"But as the Mexican laws locally in force had 'excluded Slavery from these Territories, (the Territories acquired from Mexico,) the appli'cation of this principle to them was illusory, so far as any possibility of participation in their further settlement by slaveholders might 'be concerned. Property in slaves was thus, in effect, excluded wholly from their limits The principle of the former partitions having 'become inapplicable, and slaveholding settlers having been altogether excluded from this Territory, the slaveholding States were, of right, entitled to an indemnification for their loss, if it could be afforded by giving to them access, with their slaves, to other Territory. "This principle was the moral basis of that praiseworthy legislation of 1854, (the repeal of the Missouri Compromise,) which the chairman of the Committee on Territories has most injudiciously denominated & 'conspiracy 'against Freedom.'"

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"Before concluding my remarks, I hope to 'show that such total exclusion would not only 'be IMMORAL AND UNJUST, but would likewise, in a legal sense, be unconstitutional."

Sir, I thank the gentleman for the boldness with which he has avowed the Slavery creed of his party. And I call upon the people of the free States to mark the declaration, and to see whither modern Democracy would lead them. Sir, it has not always been the case, that Northern Democratic leaders have had the courage to come out squarely, and acknowledge their real purpose, and the effect of their principles upon this Slavery question. But

Whom the gods seek to destroy, they first make mad;" and I rejoice that, for once, they intend to meet the issue fairly and boldly. If this is done, I have no fears of the result. Let the people of the free portion of this Union but understand the Democratic creed and platform, as it is understood and expounded by the leaders and presses of that party, especially at the South, and it will require affidavits in every free State of this Union to show that Mr. Buchanan has ever been a candidate for the Presidency.

But this is not the only Democratic leade: from the North who adopts and sanctions this new and alarming doctrine. Another honors ble gentleman from the State of Pennsylvanis [Mr. J. GLANCY JONES.] the particular friend and champion of Mr. Buchanan on this floor, occupies similar ground. He says:

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"In my opinion, the Constitution limits the power of Congress to the extent of prohibiting them either from establishing or abolishing Slavery in the Territories. Admitting that 'view to be correct, I suppose it follows, as a matter of course, that the Constitution of the United States confers upon the people of the Territory no right to dispossess any man of his right to property, whether it be SLAVE or any other property. And therefore, the Leg islative Council of a Territory, though they may pass laws regulating the disposal and protection of property, have no right to so ad'minister those laws as to establish or abolist the right to hold that property."

The honorable gentleman from Georgia [Mr. WARNER scarcely goes further in his speech o the subject of Slavery in the Territories, which has been so often quoted, than do these expounders of Buchanan "Democracy" from the State of Pennsylvania. For the purpose c bringing out still more distinctly this new article of Democratic faith, I subjoin some extracts from the speech of the honorable gentlema from Georgia, made on this floor on the 1st day of April last:

Sir, this is modern" Democracy" with a vengeance! Here we have the distinct avowal of a prominent "Democratic" leader from the North-from a Pennsylvania "Democrat," and, as I understand, an intimate personal friend of Mr. Buchanan-that the purpose of repealing "I shall maintain, and undertake to estab the Missouri Prohibition was to give the slavelish, that the title of my constituents to their States access to Kansas with their slaves; and slave property is not based upon any positive this he calls the "praiseworthy legislation of law of the State, but that it rests for its foute 1854." Ay, sir, this Democrat from Mr. Buation upon the universal law of nations, which chanan's own State goes further than that, and proclaims the monstrous doctrine, that the total exclusion of Slavery from the free Territories is not only unconstitutional, but that it is "immoral and unjust!"

recognised slaves as property, before and the time of the adoption of the Constitutio = That, before and at the time of the adoptics of the Constitution, the citizens of the Stat ' of Georgia-the same being a sovereign, a

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