with directions to march on the nilitary roads on either bank of the Danube, and occupy Buda and Pesth. A small corps of 9000 men, ander General Simunich, received orders from its cantonments in Moravia, to enter the valley of the Lower Waag, and to join the chief corps at Tyrnau. Another corps of 9000 men, then in Silesia, and commanded by General Götz, was to proceed through the defiles of Jabfunka, into the valley of the Upper Waag, and to occupy the mountain districts and cities of Schemnitz and Kremnitz; while General Schlick's corps of 24,000 men, then in Gallicia, received orders to march through the defiles of Dukla upon Eperies.

In the west, General Puchner, at the head of 32,000 men, was in possession of Transylvania. From that province, he was commanded to enter the valley of the Marosch, to effect a junction with General Kukavina at Temesvar, to relieve the fortress of Arad, and to occupy the Banat; while, in the south, the Servian Landsturm of 30,000 men rose to occupy the Baczka, and assist General Puchner in reducing Szegedin and Vasarhely. The Generals Trebersberg and Dahlen were to advance in the south-east, by way of Fünfkirchen, and General Nugent, with 12,000 men, from the east-i. e., from Styria, was to occupy the districts round the Lake Balaton, to intercept the retreat of a Hungarian corps under Perczel, and generally to prevent the junction of the Hungarian forces in the south, on the banks of the Drave, and in the north on the banks of the Laytha. These arrangements were complicated, uncertain, and productive of a great waste of time; but in the presence of the motives of personal animosity, which animated the Austrian Court and its servants, these arrangements were necessary. It took some weeks before all the corps were apprised of the commander-in-chief's intentions, before the weaker corps had received their reinforcements of fresh levies from Bohemia and Italy, and before they were all supplied with ammunition, provisions, and the manifold requirements for a winter campaign. Indeed, the Hungarian leaders expected no expedition before the re

turn of spring. Mr. Kossuth, writing to Görgey, on the 5th December, says:

I cannot believe that Windischgrätz will attack us before the end of the winter. By that time, I can have an army of 60,000 men, with 200 guns. I am more than ever convinced that you and I are destined to save the country, as a reward for which service, I hope to pass the rest of my days in some rural retreat as a farmer; while you, general, will, I trust, live to be professor of chemistry.'

While Mr. Kossuth indulged in hopes which were too modest to be sincere, the Austrian Commanderin-Chief wasted some valuable days in the still more puerile occupation of collating and publishing a hue and cry after Mr. Kossuth, his wife, the Generals Görgey, Perczel, Messaros, and other distinguished members of the Hungarian parliament, declaring that the said persons were running about and hiding themselves, and offering rewards for their apprehension. This measure appears truly ridiculous, if it be considered that the whole of Hungary was just then in a state of insurrection, and that, to all intents and purposes, Mr. Kossuth was more absolute at Pesth than his sovereign and lord at Olmütz.

That unfortunate monarch felt the reins of power fast escaping from his grasp. His debility and utter helplessness had for many years past made him an object of pity to his people, and scorn to his nearest friends and relatives. Yielding, less to the superior wisdom than to the superior strength of those who surrounded him, he had, ever since the commencement of the great European convulsion, been hurried into actions, the consequences of which lay beyond the range of his limited vision, Those consequences-the devastation of his fairest provinces, the rebellion of his most loyal subjects, the death of Count Lamberg, the Vienna insurrection, and the assassination of his Secretary-at-Warappeared to him like so many acts of Divine vengeance. The Nemesis of history, whose awful retribution is a mystery to the eyes of the cunning and the wise, was revealed to the gaze of this idiotic prince. His

family were bent upon wreaking their vengeance on Hungary. He wished but for peace. He would not consent to the war against Hungary. It is reported that all entreaties, all threats (for so great was the decline of his bodily and mental powers, that even threats passed unresented), received no other response but the moaning cry, 'My oath! my oath!-I have sworn a holy oath!' He clung to that oath in obstinate conscientiousness, and refused to sanction the annihilation of Hungary, because he had sworn to respect its constitution.

what scenes

It is impossible to say were enacting in the secret chambers of the palace at Olmütz during the last week of November, 1848. The popular rumours hint åt stronger measures than mere menaces. But early on the 3rd of December, the subjects of the Austrian crown were startled by the news of an important state act. On the 2nd December-the day which, three years later, became an important and fateful day in the annals of the French nation-the members of the Imperial family, the ministers of the crown, and the military chiefs of the Empire were assembled in the great hall of Olmütz Palace: Prince Schwartzenberg, the premier; Count Stadion, his colleague and chief supporter; Dr. Bach, at one time a successful barrister and agitator in the manner of Kossuth, but now Great Justiciary of the Empire; M. Bruck, formerly clerk in a merchant's office at Trieste, whom the revolution raised to the Presidency of the Board of Trade; Prince Windischgrätz; the Baron Jellachich, resplendent in his scarlet and gold uniform as general of the redcloaked Szereczaners, surrounded the Archduke Francis Charles, heirapparent to the throne; the Archduchess Sophia, his wife; and the Archduke Francis Joseph, his son, then a boy of eighteen. In due time the Emperor entered, pale, dejected, and resigned. He repeated, with a faltering voice, the formula of resignation, which the clerks of the privy council had drawn up for the purpose. The Archduke Francis Charles had resigned his own claims to the throne. The Emperor, for the last time exercising a sovereign's

power, surrendered the crown his nephew; because,' as stated the formula, the necessities of u time required the energies of 1) younger man.' On that very are ing, the deposed monarch left u palace of Olmütz, and procee into a temporary exile at Prague. ;

Francis Joseph of Austria se nalized his advent to the throne b two important edicts. His first p clamation, announcing his assump tion of the purple, stated his resolution of maintaining the spiet dour of the crown;' and for t purpose he declared he relied chief and implicitly on the tried gallantry, loyalty, and perseverance of glorious army. His second ed was directed against Hungary. He denounced the rebellious few, wh by their terrorism, compelled the most loyal nation to revolt; but he declared that the Hungarians, their rebellion, had forfeited the privileges and constitution; fre that day their country was an inte gral part of the Austrian monarchy. Prince Windischgrätz was com manded to reduce them to that state, and unlimited powers were given to that general for the due punish ment of the Hungarian rebels.

The German and Bohemian subjects of the Austrian crown received the news of the Emperor Ferdinand's resignation with astonishment, bui without opposition. Austria Proper was overawed by a hundred tho sand bayonets. The Bohemian Czechs, yielding to that fatal animosity of races which constitutes the firmest basis of the Habsburg dynasty, rejoiced in the prospect of the downfall of Hungary. The par liament at Pesth alone protested against Francis Joseph and his usurpation of the Imperial dignity. Although dissolved by the Emperor Ferdinand's edict of the 3rd of Oc tober, the sittings of that body con tinued; and on the motion of L Madarass, a declaration was voted, asserting the peculiar condition of Hungary as a separate kingdom, its rights to its constitution and to the laws made or assented to by the nation. They protested, further, that no family arrangements respect ing the Imperial throne of Austria could legally affect the Royal crown of Hungary; that a vacancy of the

Tungarian throne was possible only n case of the demise of the legally rowned king, and that in such a case the heir to the throne was bound to sign a coronation treaty, to take ais oath to the constitution, and to accept the kingdom of Hungary and the crown of St. Stephen at the hands of the national delegates. In conclusion, they flung back the reproach which the new Emperor had cast upon them, by insinuating that their King Ferdinand was the victim of a rebellious conspiracy, and hence 'those who submitted to the authority of Francis Joseph were to be considered as traitors to the country.'

Measures were taken to support this parliamentary defiance. Whatever troops and bands of volunteers could be collected, were sent to support the various corps on the frontiers. General Görgey, with 30,000 men and 60 field-pieces, protected the Hungarian border against the gros of the Imperialists. His headquarters were at Pressburg.

General Meszaros, with 14,000 men and 32 guns, opposed General Schlick in the northern counties. Another 14,000 men and 30 guns, under General Kis, occupied the Bacska and the Banat; and the Pole, Bem, who offered his services to Mr. Kossuth, was sent to Transylvania, with instructions to create an army, and to sweep that province clear of the Imperialist troops and the Wallachian levies under General Puchner.

Of the fortresses, Arad and Temesvar were in the hands of the Imperialists, but Esseg, Peterwardein, and Komorn were held by national troops and officers.

The total of the Imperialist forces amounted to 110,000 men and 256 guns. The Hungarians had 40,000 armed men, one-half of whom were irregulars, and 120 field-pieces, the majority of which were hardly fit for use. Their cavalry was excellent, though light, and at a terrible disadvantage when opposed to the helmeted and cuirassed troopers of the Imperial army. Their regular infantry, commanded by officers who had learnt their trade in the Austrian ranks, was in every respect capable of standing its ground against equal numbers of Imperial troops, but their volunteer corps and battalions of Honveds were,

at that early period of the war, badly armed and clothed, and, in spite of their enthusiasm, unable to cope with the superior discipline, steadiness, and perseverance of old soldiers. It was clearly the interest of the Imperialists to draw their enemies into a general and decisive engagement. The Hungarians were equally interested in prolonging the war, in exposing the Austrian army to the fatigues of a long march and the inclemency of the season, and in harassing them by a petty and irregular warfare, which is most annoying and destructive to troops trained according to the most approved rules of strategy.

On the 15th of December, all preparations being completed, the signal for a general invasion of Hungary was given by Prince Windischgrätz, whose army crossed the frontier near Bruck, on the Laytha. On the following day he fought his first battle on Hungarian ground, and took Pahrendorf, after a violent cannonade, which compelled the Hungarian forces to retreat upon Raab, while the Imperialists proceeded to occupy Wieselburg. On the same day an Imperialist column marched upon Pressburg, and entered Theben without the slightest opposition. General Simunich's corps, marching from Nadaz, attacked Tirnau, where General Guyon, an Irishman by birth, and a leader in the Hungarian army, commanded a body of 2000 men. He might have fallen back upon Pressburg, or upon the marshy banks of the river Waag: but almost against hope he held out against General Simunich's corps of 9000, and after an engagement of two hours, he was surrounded on all sides. In this distressing situation, General Guyon was saved by that reckless bravery for which the Irish are famous. Concentrating the survivors of his corps (for many had fallen), he cut his way through the dense masses of Imperialists which occupied his line of retreat, and, with a loss of 800 men and five guns, he withdrew his troops to Komorn, where, on the 17th of December, he was joined by the garrison of Pressburg. On the evening of that day, the army of Prince Windischgrätz occupied the whole of the line from Oedenburg to

Tirnau, and measures were taken for the immediate pacification of that part of the country. Courts-martial were established at Pressburg, troops were quartered upon the friends and relatives of the Hungarian leaders and members of parliament; detachments of horse scoured the country in search of the fugitive insurgents. Fines were imposed upon the landed gentry, and large contributions of labour and provisions exacted from the peasantry. Frau von Udvarnoky, who was guilty of giving shelter and food to some of the Hungarian officers, was arrested, tried, and whipped in the market-place of Pressburg.

General Görgey, meanwhile, concentrated the whole of his cavalry and some detachments of mounted artillery in front of Altenburg, to protect the retreat of his infantry upon Raab. On the 18th of December, this rearguard was attacked by the vanguard of the Imperialists. The Ban Jellachich, at the head of two regiments of horse and of one flying battery, advancing from Sommerein, formed his heavy troopers in a long line on the plain of Altenburg. His artillery opened upon the Hungarian hussars. Their fire was returned by Görgey's batteries. The superior numbers of his guns did so much execution among the cuirassiers, that they wavered, and, as if by instinct, lost ground. At that moment they were charged by the hussars, their lines were broken and driven back upon Lichtenstein's corps, which had been detached to support the Ban. _So complete was the rout of the Imperialist cavalry, that the hussars were allowed to follow the gros their army to Raab, where they arrived on the 20th, and where General Görgey proposed to wait for Perczel's corps, and, supported by him to accept battle from Prince Windischgrätz.

of

This resolution was likely to be fatal to the cause of Hungary, for Görgey's small army was dispirited by a five days' retreat, while their enemies were emboldened by success and confident. The position of the Hungarians at Raab was indeed protected by entrenchments, and by the confluence of two rivers, which at au season would have

been a formidable obstacle in way of an advancing army. by the extraordinary seventy winter of 1848, the Rabnitz and Raab-Danube were frozen ere. ! that even cavalry and heavy nance could have crossed over : ice. The entrenchments were : extensive, too slight, and inj ciously placed. Görgey's army Raab was thus exposed on its fi and rear, while its front had but indifferent protection. Fortun for them, they waited five days: vain for the arrival of Pers corps, and on Christmas-day, the Imperialist vanguard appears in sight of the city, Görgey, the reluctantly, consented to obey 11 orders which Mr. Kossuth La transmitted to him from Pesth : evacuate Raab, and retreat on road to Buda. His march remain. unmolested by the Austrians, Wi deceived by his previous intentions concentrated their army in front the city, with a view of storming i This cautious advance cost the two days. They occupied Raab the 27th, and immediately d patched their vanguard in purser of Görgey's corps. Ottingers cavalry brigade, which headed tår pursuit, overtaking the Hungaria rearguard, at Babolna, routed put them to flight, killing 400 of them, and capturing 700. the captives was Major Zel, whi was picked up on the field of battle. bleeding from sixteen wounds. H was tried by court-martial, and se tenced to twelve years incarcerati in heavy irons. The misericord of the mediaval warriors was indeed mercy compared to this treatment.

Amon

On the 29th December, General Görgey's army was concentrated s Bicske, still waiting for General Perczel, who on that very day met the troops of the Ban Jellachich si Moor. Retreating in a parallel line with Görgey, and anxious to effects junction, he came to Moor, and occu pied that place at the very moment that the approach of the Imperialist vanguard was reported by his patrols. Two battalions of his corps had been detached at Körmönd, his ranks were thinned by the casualties and the fatigues of forced marches, and he had at that moment but 5000 men and sixteen guns, to oppose to a hostile

column of 10,000 men, 3000 horses, and thirty-two pieces of artillery. But Maurice Perczel, the Hotspur of the Hungarian war, considered nothing except the advantages which the ground offered to his evolutions.

At a later period, indeed, he excused his rashness, by protesting that he expected assistance from Görgey. The road from Babolna to Moor, on which the Imperialists advanced, leads through the mountainous forest of Bakonyi,-in peace the haunt of outlawed robbers, in war, of guerillas. About three miles from Moor, the road emerges from the forest, runs some distance through the plain, and then ascends a range of low but steep hills, which command the town on the one side, and the approach from the forest on the other. General Perczel placed his sixteen field-pieces on these heights, and, as the first columns of the Imperialists issued from the forest, his artillery opened upon them. For two hours the Hungarian gunners did their work bravely and successfully. The Imperialists made vain endeavours to debouch from the dense wood, which equally protected and obstructed their movements, but every attempt to gain a footing, and form on the plain, was 1 defeated by the well-directed fire of Perczel's artillery. In the meanwhile, the body of the vanguard came up with the forlorn hope which had opened the engagement. Some twelve-pounders, leaving the road, were seen to issue from the thick underwood to its right, and take a stand in the clearing. They opened upon the left wing of the Hungarians, who returned the fire with interest. That fatal moment decided the battle. Other guns debouched, and took their station to the left of the road. On the road itself, the Walmoden cuirassiers advanced, and formed quickly, and in good order, in front of the Hungarian lines. These preparations

were scarcely made, when Perczel's fire slackened. The Austrian batteries advanced, unlimbered, fired and advanced again, and when this manœuvre was repeated for the third time, the cuirassiers rushed up to the charge. The quick and regular fire of the Hungarian in

VOL. XLV. NO. CCLXVI.

fantry was almost without effect against this dense column of mailed cavaliers. The hussars, broken and confused by the last discharge of the artillery, advanced in vain. In another moment their lines were broken by the iron phalanx, their infantry routed and flying for life, one of their batteries taken, and the pieces fired after the fugitives. But the hussars, though defeated, returned to the charge the moment the cuirassiers spread their line to scour the field. Mounted on slight and nimble horses, armed for the attack only, relying for their defence on the quickness of their movements and the instinct of their steeds, this national cavalry of Hungary spread in a large semicircle round the clumsy cavaliers of Austria, and avoiding the cut of their formidable swords, they disabled riders and horses with their slight and curved sabres. Thus detained, the cuirassiers formed again and again, against an enemy who fled before their charge, and returned in the next moment to harass their flank or rear. This hand to hand combat continued until the infantry had recovered from their panic, and effected their retreat, part of them towards Csakvár, whither the left wing of Görgey's army advanced to receive them, and part to Stuhlweissenberg and Martonvasar.

This accomplished, the hussars wheeled round, dispersed, and disappeared with a rapidity which rendered all pursuit hopeless. But many of them remained on the battle-field, struck down by the long, heavy swords of the cuirassiers. The loss of Perczel's corps on that day is stated by the Hungarians as amounting to 500 killed, and 1000 men and six guns captured by the enemy. The Ban Jellachich's bulletins of the battle assert that he attacked and routed Perczel's corps of 8000 men; that he killed and captured several thousands of them; and that the remainder, exceeding 8000, made a disorderly retreat towards Martonvasar.

It is impossible to determine the losses of the Imperialists in this engagement and in other battles, in which they remained in possession of the ground. The numbers given in their bulletins are evidently not