omitting the broken English, and numerous French expletives in which her tale was clothed.

'You have a right, my dear Digby,' she began, in those well-known captivating tones- you have a right to an explanation of a matter which nearly cost you your life, and which has been to me an unceasing source of anxiety and regret. You must know, then, that when a foolish girl, in fact, not very long after my first appearance on the stage, I was induced to marry a French officer, whom, in my ignorance, I loved with all the freshness and devotion of eighteen. Rejecting each splendid offer made by nobler and wealthier admirers, I bestowed upon the young soldier all I had to give, my talents, my fame, and, above all, my true and untainted heart. Conceive my feelings when I discovered I was deceived and ruined. The infamous traitor had another wife living, and this was my reward for all I had sacrificed on his behalf. My Spanish blood was roused, and revenge was the feeling uppermost in my breast. I could have stabbed him as he lay sleeping by my side, but I bethought me of a course that would wound him more keenly than could any bodily injury, and I forthwith bent all my energies to the task I had proposed myself. He shall love me, thought I, love me to distraction, and when his whole soul and being are wrapped up in me, I will leave him! leave him for another, and force him to drink the bitter cup that he has so treacherously caused me to drain. This was revenge and for weeks and months, by alternate kindness and coquetry, now working upon his affections, now exciting his jealousy, I succeeded in making that man my slave. A mischievous lesson which I have never since forgotten. Yes, Digby, I had my foot upon his neck, he haunted me like my shadow; he grew thin, haggard, and restless; neglected, nay, ill-treated his previous and lawful wife, and became day by day more infatuated in his adoration for myself. At times I could hardly bear it—at times I longed to love him as before, and oh, what a happiness that had been; but when did a betrayed woman ever forego her revenge? At last, he proposed to me a

scheme by which he was to invalidate his previous marriage, and make me all his own. My time was come. I listened in affected raptures, I put my arms round his neck, and whis. pered words of love into his ear, such as he had never yet heard from my lips. He parted from me in a state of intoxicated, almost delirious happiness. That night I left him, with the only man in Europe for whom he entertained a feeling of jealousy— a friend and companion, who, in all the sports and trifles of youth was ever his rival, and by whom, I had heard him say a thousand times, that he could not bear to be surpassed. I never saw him again. They tell me he is shut up in a mad-house near Paris, that his beautiful hair is shaved, and he is confined with fetters of iron. I think my revenge is complete. But mark the punishIment which followed. In an evil hour, wrought upon by his arguments and confused by his sophistry, I consented to go through the forms of wedlock with Sarmento-for that was the name of him whom I had rendered the weapon of my hate-I consented to marry the man whom in the world I most loathed, only stipulating that I should continue to bear my own name on the stage, and follow the profession in which I was acquiring wealth and reputation. Sarmento was totally unprincipled, and a gambler; the latter request he cordially agreed to, as a means of furnishing him with money for the gaming-table, nor could he well deny me the former-and I pursued my lucrative career still known to the world as Madlle. De Rivolte. But my impatient spirit could not long bear the constraint of Sarmento's presence, his jealous supervision and rough ungovernable temper. I procured an engagement at Berlin, of which he knew nothing, and left him, making arrangements to pay him a certain annuity as long as I should be relieved from the annoyance of his presence. This, for a time, answered admirably, and for more than a twelvemonth I heard nothing of my detested husband; but a long course of ill-luck at the gaming table drove him to apply to me for fresh funds, and when these applications became so constant that I could not satisfy them, he threatened to live

with me continually, to dog my movements, and to claim all the privileges of a husband. He is like wise tortured by a jealousy, that, until his unprovoked attack upon yourself, I had always considered was affected, and he follows me from place to place, and breaks in upon me at times and seasons the most inconvenient and unbearable. Even now I have travelled night and day the whole distance from St. Petersburg to obtain an interview with my detested husband, and come, if possible, to some final arrangement for a total separation. To obtain such a release no sacrifice would be too great, and I have offered a settlement, which, although it will impoverish my own resources to a great extent, is so large that I trust it will prevail upon his cupidity sufficiently to induce him to consent never to see me more. I shall know my fate before this time to-morrow, when I start for the north, and should we never chance to meet again, think of me, my dear Digby, as one who, with every earnest desire to do right, has through life been driven, by the force of circumstances, into a course of feelings and actions, which those alone who have resisted temptations like mine, have a right to condemn.'

Such, as nearly as possible, was the account given me by Coralie of her ill-fated marriage, and such was the explanation of the ominous-looking ruffian by whom I had been

attacked, and whom I had afterwards seen run through in the fencing-school. Nor could I help wondering that such a being as the bright and graceful Coralie could ever be prevailed on to link her fate with that dark, forbidding man, whose appearance alone argued him capable of committing any crime, and whose depraved and reckless habits were concealed beneath no comely form, no smooth and polished exterior. The heart of woman is indeed a wondrous mystery, a labyrinth, the clue to which the wisest of mankind have sought in vain, and of which we may truly say, that

Fools rush in where angels fear to tread; for do we not see, every day, the wise, the high-minded, the virtuous, and the brave, supplanted by gaudy fools or profligate coxcombs in the graces of that incomprehensible sex? How is it to moralize upon general principles, or individual cases; how difficult to apply either the one or the other to our own conduct, or our own character.

easy

Coralie went back to Russia, and I remained in London to pursue, under accumulating difficulties, the ever-fleeting pursuit after Pleasure, which, like the summer butterfly, that lures the eager urchin from lawn to lawn and field to field, is still just beyond the grasp, still in that immediate Future which never becomes the Present.

CHAPTER IX.

THE struggle was in its last stage;

still its decision remained doubtful. The Governor's weakness and Görgey's treachery had cost the country much time, much blood, and several opportunities; the capitals and two-thirds of Hungary were in the hands of the Imperial armies; General Bem had been dislodged from Transylvania; the Austrian

and Russian troops pressed on all sides upon Temesvar, the centre of the Hungarian forces; and the most formidable corps of which the Governor could still boast, was commanded by an officer who was hostile to the cause, and who, for some weeks past, had almost openly negotiated with the enemy. But, on the other hand, the Hungarians remained established in the south; on the Upper Danube they were

still in possession of the impregnable fortress of Komorn, from whence they threatened the Austrian frontiers, and intercepted all communications and transports on the river Danube. The counties in the rear of the Imperial armies were subjugated, but not pacified. The cruelties practised by the Austrian commander and his officers and soldiers, had but added to the intensity of the hatred which the Magyars bore to their conquerors; they had not broken their spirit. A reverse, a defeat in battle, an attempt to retreat, would have been fatal to Haynau and Paskievitsh. Nor was such a reverse altogether out of the question. The Magyars were at bay, and for that very reason the more formidable. The Imperialist armies had been decimated by that fiery and uncompromising bravery which urged the Hussars and Honveds to fight, in spite of the indolence, and to conquer, notwithstanding the bad generalship, and in some instances the malicious intentions, of their leaders. Bem's retreat from Transylvania brought him in connexion with these troops. If he commanded them, if their savage heroism were directed by his talents and experience, the next battle might be the turning point of the campaign. Besides the fights, the fatigues and the peculiar climate of Hungary had done their worst among the invaders. Cholera and marsh-fever had thinned their ranks; every town which they left was a lazaretto; every one of their bivouacs was a burial ground. The air was rank with disease. Resistance to the plague was a mere question of time, for even the strongest constitutions were shaken; what bad air, water, and food, left undone, was done by terror. The Russian officers have since confessed that a few more weeks of campaigning would have been the ruin of their army. The scales were still evenly balanced. Görgey's treachery, indeed, threatened to strike at the root of the fortunes of Hungary, but his treason was confined to him and a few reprobates of his stamp. The mass of the officers even of his own corps could not and would not have acted without him. But treason, too, on a

The

grand scale was working in f of Hungary. The Transy.VE Wallachs, the cruel enemies of Magyar race, and hitherto a staunchest allies of the Habstr were ready to exert their savage te for the benefit of the cause ES they had so long combated. The chief, Janku, sent his agents se Bem, asking for a free pardon ands general's rank in the Hungam army, and promising to attack tie Russian troops which occupied ta country. His proposals were a cepted, and he was ordered to coduct the Wallachian bands in Hungary and support the more ments of the national armies. bearer of this order informed him of the precarious condition of the Hur garian armies. Görgey drawing the Russians after him seemed to fly for refuge to the fortress of Arad. The Imperialists kept possession of Temesvar; a Hungarian corps under Vecsey besieged that fortress with such energy that its fall might be expected at any moment. Dem binski's army, fresh from a defeat at Szöreg, and the troops which Bem conducted from Transylvania to Lugos, were marching to support Vecsey and take the fortress by assault. But General Haynau, at the head of the Imperialist army, and supported by a Russian division under Paniutine, was preparing to drive off Vecsey and relieve the fortress. An important battle was likely to be fought at Arad; a battle at Temesvar was almost a matter of certainty. Either of these battles would furnish some clue to the final decision of the war. The wily Wallachian resolved to remain inactive, and to co-operate with the con. querors.

On the 8th of August, the Hungarian chiefs held a council of war at Lugos. The question was whether they should fight at Temesvar or fall back upon Arad, there to effect a junction with Görgey's corps, and leaning on the fortress engage the Austrian and Russian armies in a grand and decisive battle. General Bem opposed the retreat to Arad. He would fight at Temesvar, and at once. If defeated he could fall back upon Lugos, and from thence march to Arad. But if the Hungarians gained the day, Görgey advancing

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from Arad might take the fugitive

have been beaten: we are making a

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ey had so be

turn round and attack the Russians the be under Paskievitsh. And since some of the generals advocated an immeJadiate retreat to Arad, under the plea that the troops had been neglected by the commissariat, and that they were not in fighting condition from the want of proper food

an try and clothing, General Bem declared

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and be res be Wan

his arm; he can do no more service: all is lost!'

that he would not trouble the troops much. The battle of Temesvar was to be fought with artillery. He enforced his will, and on the evening of that day the Hungarian army was drawn up in battle-line at BescKerek, near Temesvar. On the fol. blowing day the battle was fought,

LET

The Governor Kossuth meanwhile had sustained a contest of a very different kind in the fortress of Arad, and he too had been defeated. He foresaw the possibility of a junction between the two chief corps of the Hungarian army, between the troops which Bem and Dembinski led against the Austrians at Temesvar and those which Görgey had just brought to Arad, and which were encamped in the town and its suburbs. Since the two corps were to act together, they would want a commander-in-chief. The Governor resolved to confer that post upon General Bem. But the members of his cabinet, and Görgey, who had been summoned to their councils, insisted on the appointment being cancelled. They declared that the Governor was not justified in determining the important question of the chief command according to his own predilections or prejudices, and they expressed the strongest doubts as to his judgment, candour, and honesty. Görgey urged them on by expatiating on Bem's late defeats in Transylvania, and when the Governor mentioned the Transylvanian army, he compelled him to confess that after the battle of Schäsburg the existence of that army was, to say the least, very doubtful. He then withdrew, leaving his friends to vindicate his cause. They justi fied his expectations by compelling the Governor Kossuth to cancel Bem's appointment to the chief command, and again to entrust the supreme control of military affairs to Görgey. From what has transpired concerning their discussion, it does not appear that the Governor stated his reasons for the choice he had made. He made no mention either of Bem's devotion to the cause or of Görgey's more than doubt. ful sincerity. Indeed very little attention was apparently paid to the merits of the case. The Governor took his stand on his privilege, and being defeated on that point he yielded to the will of the majority. His opponents, who met him on the same ground, were quite as discreet. They knew that Bem would hold

and, as Bem had directed, with artillery. The old General took his position in the centre of a battery of 12-pounders, where he superintended the cannonade. After several hours incessant firing along the whole of the battle-line, no advantage had been gained on either side. All at once the fire of the Hungarians slackened; a slight confusion was perceptible along their line. Adjutants first, and after them general officers galloped to the rear and returned at a furious speed. One battery and then another ceased firing. Their cannon was not dismounted; they had still a full complement of gunners. They wanted ammunition. Their powder casks and shot-waggons had early in the morning been sent away on the road to Arad, and to this day it has never been ascertained which of the general officers who commanded the army gave that treasonable and fatal order. That man, whoever he was, gained the battle of Temesvar for the Austrians. Their artillery advanced, their cavalry charged, and the Hungarians retreated in the greatest disorder upon Rekas. General Bem, who sought to rally their ranks, fell with his horse; a cry went abroad that he had been seriously injured by his fall. The report reached General Guyon, who for once seems to have given way to despair. He wrote a letter to the Governor Kossuth announcing the loss of the battle and Bem's accident, in terms of fatal brevity. He said-We

out to the last. If not actually privy to Görgey's councils, they were at least very uncertain as to his intentions.

On the evening of that day, the 10th of August, the Governor received General Guyon's message from the battle-field of Temesvar, which evidently misled him as to the nature and the consequences of the defeat. He sent for General Görgey, who left his quarters in the town, and entered the citadel accompanied by a single adjutant. After a long conversation, he returned to his troops. What happened between the Governor and his general has always remained a mystery. Within the last few weeks only, some partial light has been thrown on the transaction by the publication of Görgey's Vindication. He pretends that the Governor made no mention whatever of General Guyon's despatch; that he professed the profoundest ignorance as to the result of the battle of Temesvar; that he even neglected to acquaint him with the decision of the council, and that he merely lamented the series of misunderstandings which had so long prevented their co-operating for the benefit of the country. The Governor then told Görgey that if the Austrians were defeated at Temesvar, the corps at Arad ought to intercept their flight. But,' added he, what would you do, General, if our troops had been defeated ?' 'I would surrender,' replied Görgey.

And I will shoot myself,' returned Kossuth. With this understanding they separated.

General Görgey, who though neglectful of his own duties, seems to have had a just appreciation of the Governor's duty and responsibility, declares, on the strength of this conversation, that Mr. Kossuth was aware of his intention to surrender, and that he approved of it. For not only did he make no attempt to persuade Görgey to re-consider his resolution, but the general had scarcely reached his quarters when the Governor sent him Guyon's despatch, without one word of admonition or comment. Besides,' adds Görgey, when I told Kossuth

of my intention to surrender, my life was in his hand. I was in his quarters in the citadel, and that citadel was commanded by General Damjanich, who since our quarrel at Komorn had been my enemy. The garrison consisted of troops which hardly knew me by name; I was alone and unprotected. Nevertheless, he allowed me to leave the fortress, and return to my quarters in Arad.'

If these statements are true, there can be but one opinion about the part which Mr. Kossuth played on the last day of his government. But the man who thus accuses him has forfeited all claims to public confidence. A traitor to his country, there is no reason why he should shrink from falsifying history. It is a fact that on the following day the Governor surrendered his power to General Görgey. Görgey's unsupported allegations would fail to convince an impartial inquirer. But they are supported by the conflicting statements of Mr. Kossuth's colleagues and followers, some of whom pretend that the Governor was compelled by violent threats on the part of the military chiefs to surrender his power to Görgey, while some of the members of the cabinet, Szemere, for instance, and Kasimir Batthyanyi, complained that they were not consulted, and that the transaction which left Görgey at the head of the army was executed with great secrecy and despatch. The accounts of Mr. Kossuth's friends are altogether unsatisfactory, and evidently intended to conceal a certain fact, rather than to explain it. The Governor of Hungary was at Arad, under the protection of the most devoted and energetic of his generals, Damjanich, the Wallachian. How, then, and at what time, could a few officers, with Görgey at their head, compel him, almost by physical means, to surrender his authority and abdicate? And where were the ministers who afterwards protested against his abdication, and complained that they had not been consulted? The pretence that his surrender of power was extorted from him was an afterthought;